香港青年内地发展政策与大湾区“融合发展”--基于HKPSSD数据的实证研究

促进港澳青年"北上"内地发展,融入国家发展大局,最终实现"人心回归",是"粤港澳大湾区"政策体系中的重要内容和目标。回归以来,中央已累计推出100多项鼓励香港青年到内地发展的政策,其效果和机制亟需进行评估。论文基于香港社会动态追踪调查HKPSSD数据,以国家认同作为政策效标,评估现有内地发展政策对香港青年国家认同的效应,并从心理层面考察其作用机制。研究发现,频繁返回内地对青年国家认同确有提升作用,心理融合在此过程中起到完全中介作用。该机制在通过倾向值匹配进行稳健性检验后依然稳健,并且心理融合的中介效应量有所上升。研究表明,香港青年内地发展政策已取得了一定程度的积极效应,心理融合在机制中起到关键的效能转化作用。在粤港澳大湾区"融合发展"的战略目标和制度框架底下,做好心理融合工作,将是香港青年内地发展经历转化为国家归属感的重要抓手。     

共犯与身份新论

共犯与身份这一问题把共同犯罪与身份的特殊性结合在了一起。理论界对它众说纷纭,在各国立法例上也差别悬殊。而该问题在司法实践中是不可回避的。我国刑法学界对此的探讨尚不充分,也远没有达成共识。     

中、韩、日三国古代女性社会地位的表现及其异同

本文回顾了中、韩、日三国女性古代社会地位的发展和表现,并对其进行了对比,在此基础上分析了随着儒教的根基性影响及各国本土传统的结合,三国女性古代社会地位在整体相似的基础上出现了怎样的差异。     

论反劫持谈判的心理策略

在反劫持谈判中,谈判人员须运用正确的心理策略,动之以情、晓之以理、导之以行,以调节劫持者的情感、认知和意志等心理活动,并进而控制其行为,保证谈判活动顺利进行。     

比较法视野下的刑事诉讼启动程序改造

刑事诉讼是国家控制犯罪的能动反应,国家为了能够有效的控制犯罪,刑事诉讼的过程就必然伴随着国家强制力的运用,而国家强制力的介入势必影响作为公民个体的私权利。这样国家就必须在为保障公众的安全而随意的启动诉讼程序与为保护公民个体的私权利尽量少启动刑事诉讼程序之间作出一个明确的选择。由于各国法律传统和诉讼文化的差异,刑事诉讼的启动在标志上、条件上和方式上有着不同的认识与区别,其具有:案件输入、保障人权、案件分流的功能。目前我国刑诉启动程序中案件的输入功能欠缺,为此,必须降低立案标准,增强案件输入功能,把侦查行为的启动作为诉讼启动的标志。     

1979～2012年中国有关朝鲜半岛问题的研究状况--基于“中国知网”相关文献的分析

本文以“中国知网”收录的有关朝鲜半岛问题的学术文献为研究对象,考察1979 ～2012年中国学界对朝鲜半岛问题的研究状况.在指标上,本文选取论文发表数量的年代分布、论文选题的主题分布、论文发文量居前6位的作者分布、论文发文量居前10位的单位分布、论文发文量居前10位的期刊分布、有关韩国研究和朝鲜研究的变迁对比这6个指标.通过对这些指标的详细考察,结论部分对1979 ～2012年中国有关朝鲜半岛问题研究的趋势和状况进行了基本描述,并从机制建设、研究方法革新、研究侧重点加强等几个层面提出了下一步研究时的建议.     

‘Greatpowerness’ as the key element of Russian self-consciousness under erosion

The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.     

Russia as a great power: Status inconsistency and the two Chechen wars

The article examines Russia as a great power from the point of view of status inconsistency theory. Applications of the theory to Russia have focused on the status accorded to Russia in diplomatic representation and membership of key international organizations, which suggests that Russia is a ‘status overachiever’ in that it has an international status that is greater than its actual capabilities would warrant. However, this article focuses on Russian perceptions of the country's status internationally, especially as reflected in the actual experience of membership in international organizations (OSCE, Council of Europe) and relations with the EU in the context of the two Chechen wars. The article demonstrates that, at least according to Russian assessments, Russia is accorded lower status in these organizations than the great power status which most Russians believe should be theirs. While concluding that status inconsistency is a useful tool for explaining Russian foreign policy behavior, the article notes that differing assessments of what Russia's level of status recognition is pose challenges for status inconsistency theory.     

两岸关系制度化如何处理“台湾当局政治地位”问题

两岸关系和平发展制度化面临的核心障碍是：是否认同“两岸同属一个中国”,以及如何设计两岸都能接受的“一中”法律架构和中央政权架构,而台湾当局的政治地位及两岸关系定位则是争论的焦点所在。两岸在“国号”上的分歧并未改变“两岸同属于一个中国”、“中国的主权以及人民和领土完整并未分裂”的事实,只是中国内战未能彻底结束,导致了“一个中国内两个敌对政权阶段性并存”的格局。笔者认为,在两岸均以谋求国家和平统一为目标的前提下,似可默认在国家统一前双方政权互不隶属,两岸任何一方都不强求对方接受自己作为国内法意义上代表全中国的中央政府,并在国际社会共同维护“一个中国”。未来两岸“统一”的法律目标是：本着相互宽容和谅解的精神,通过平等协商,制定或认可两岸均能接受的、在全中国范围内具有最高法律效力的宪法或宪法性法律,组成能有效管治全中国的中央政府。     

父母的社会地位与社会资本——家庭因素对大学生就业意愿的影响

本文根据地位结构观和网络结构观的视角,基于定量的研究方法验证了父母的社会地位与社会资本对大学生求职意愿的影响。主要发现包括,父母的社会地位与社会资本对大学生就业意愿的影响存在显著差异;父母的社会资本对于大学生"从政"意愿影响显著;父母的社会地位对于大学生"入企"意愿影响显著;家庭收入越高,大学生"入企"意愿越高;父亲教育水平越高,家庭社会网络异质性越大,大学生继续深造的意愿越高。