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31.
周炼石 《上海行政学院学报》2005,6(6):4-13
文章认为,现代政策理论存在两个理论来源,即以政治学为背景的政策科学和以经济学为背景的经济政策学。两种政策理论虽然在学科特征、理论体系、研究方法和课程设置方面存在差异,但是随着政府公共政策干预的扩大和要求,两种政策理论出现互补融合趋势,这一趋势不仅弥补了各自理论的不足,丰富和完善政策理论,而且将从政策层面上为提高党和政府的执政能力提供理论指导。 相似文献
32.
侦审一体化后,刑侦改革进一步深化的障碍,是其队伍素质难以达到公正司法所需侦办质量的要求.建立公平竞争的选人用人机制,又需要其它周边环境的逐步改善,难以一蹴而就.提高刑警素质应综合施力,将之融入改革大环境,以促进整个刑侦改革的深入. 相似文献
33.
《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2014,47(141):987-1020
In this paper the author analyses Article 7o. (2) of the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods. This regulation cites the general principles on which it is founded as a law of integration and interpretation of the Convention. The paper investigates some of the principles established by the doctrine such as the following: acting in good faith; interpreting the real intention and logical nature of contracts; estoppel theory; the freedom to choose the content and form of the contract, and the mitigation of damages. It also demonstrates the scope of previous court rulings. 相似文献
34.
本文阐述了作为文化产业重要组成部分的电视媒体,特别是广西的电视媒体,如何充分利用在中国—东盟自由贸易区的独特区位优势和中国—东盟博览会永久落户广西南宁的重要机遇,发挥区位优势,加强广西与东盟各国文化的交流与合作,通过开展文化贸易实现互利共赢。 相似文献
35.
信息技术与课程整合是指将信息技术有机地与教学结构、课程内容、课程资源以及课程实施等融合为一体,使其成为课程的有机组成部分,成为与课程内容和课程实施高度和谐自然的有机部分。上海公安高等专科学校正是基于以上理念,对治安类课程与信息技术整合进行了为期三年的实践探索,并取得了一定的成效。 相似文献
36.
国家已经做出了环渤海经济圈整体开发的战略部署,并且在落实进程中逐步成长为中国第三大经济增长极.而着眼于环渤海经济圈整体开发的现实进程,以大连为核心城市的辽宁沿海经济带,与京津冀沿海经济带、山东半岛沿海经济带相比,却处于相对的弱势地位.在辽宁沿海经济带开发上升为国家战略之际,大连必须带头改变这种弱势地位,强化和提升在环渤海经济圈融合中的竞争实力与竞争地位.为此,需要认证大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的时代背景,分析大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的综合因素,明确大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的利益取向,创意大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的推进对策:打破传统行政界线,提高区域合作意识;积极改善投资环境,强化城市服务功能;抓紧实施品牌战略,注重打造城市品牌;准确进行港口定位,促成联动发展格局;大力调整产业结构,增强综合经济实力;坚决克服地区封锁,造就市场利益关系;构建区域商贸体系,推动区域共同发展.大连只有这样做,才能切实为邓小平确立的"东北之窗"使命和创建东北亚重要国际航运中心的国家战略做出循名贲实的努力. 相似文献
37.
Harold D. Lasswell 《政治交往》2013,30(2):107-125
This study of the main evening television news programs in four European countries focuses on the framing of news surrounding a major European event, the January 1, 1999, introduction of the common European currency, the euro. We investigated the visibility of political and economic news in general and of the launch of the euro in particular. We found variations across countries in the emphasis on political and economic news, with the proportion of the newscast normally devoted to these subjects ranging from 45% to 60%. Journalists in all countries were more likely to emphasize conflict (rather than economic consequences) in framing general political and economic news. In the coverage of the launch of the euro, there was a greater emphasis on framing the news in terms of economic consequences. The findings are discussed in terms of influences on framing practices internal and external to journalism and the value of the cross-national comparative approach. 相似文献
38.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):749-764
ABSTRACTThe posting of workers from the European periphery has generated the longest and most tumultuous series of labor disputes in the history of European Integration. On the basis of relevant archives, this article conducts the first historical review of posting rules in the European Union, from the first negotiation in 1955 until the latest directive in 2018. This historical review enables to discard the idea of a neoliberal turn in posting rules from the 1980s onward. It also leads to reject the explanation of disputes by the movement out of the European periphery under posting rules of a Lumpenproletariat insensitive to class struggle. Instead, the article identifies the increasing regulation of the labor market at the expense of posting opportunities since thirty years. It reveals the dominant role played by governments and their invariable support for their workers. It highlights the constant asymmetry of power between core richer countries and the Southern and Eastern periphery of the European Union. Eventually, this article locates the long-term problem in the contradictions between the interests of workers and firms in richer destination countries and the enlargements of the Single Market to poorer countries. 相似文献
39.
大陆法系以民事法律关系为核心的民法理论体系在中国业已形成 ,诸多英美法系的概念在合同法的立法过程中又被吸收到中国来 ,要约便是其中之一。这两者如何融合 ,使民法理论体系得以理顺 ,不但有理论意义 ,而且颇具现实意义。把要约定性为民事法律行为 ,可以使许多问题迎刃而解。 相似文献
40.
Eve Hepburn 《German politics》2013,22(2):184-202
This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage. 相似文献