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231.
南满洲铁道株式会社对中国的经济掠夺,是以股份公司的形式作为伪装,执行日本帝国主义侵略掠夺中国的对外政策。"满铁"依靠特权建立起一个超乎中国主权和法律之上的"满铁王国",构成了日本国家资本为主导,日本产业托拉斯和中小私人资本为辅助的经济体系。"满铁"通过这套经济体系,利用显性和隐性两种方式对我国进行经济掠夺、政治扩张、文化渗透,对中国的经济结构和民族工业造成了异常严重的破坏。 相似文献
232.
本文在总结2011年广西北部湾经济区开放合作成就的基础上,展望2012年开放合作发展前景。展望未来,广西北部湾经济区将充分发挥优势,不断深化与拓展面向东盟国家的开放合作。 相似文献
233.
在中国—东盟合作的背景下,广西北部湾经济区的建设和发展需要高层次法律人才提供智力支持和保障。本文对高层次法律人才的概念、种类和特征、中国—东盟合作背景下广西北部湾经济区高层次法律人才应该具备的素质、广西北部湾经济区的建设和发展需要高层次法律人才、广西北部湾经济区构建高层次法律人才体系的举措等方面进行了研究。 相似文献
234.
在中国—东盟自由贸易区建成后新的合作起点上,中国与东盟亟须另辟蹊径,拓展、深化和提升投资合作的形式、内容和效果,在更高层次、更高水平上实现互利共赢、共同发展,而共建经贸合作区就是实现这一目标的现实路径。本文通过对各类多双边合作共建经贸合作区进行研析,探讨部分先行合作区的成功经验,并提出了加强在编制发展规划、优化发展环境、建立协作机制、引导企业入驻、做好宣传推介、多渠道筹措资金等方面的合作建议。 相似文献
235.
广西—东盟高校合作办学是在新形势下出现的新的办学形式,高校有必要加强合作办学,对学生进行爱国主义教育,本文提出了加强合作办学的大学生爱国主义教育的主要措施。 相似文献
236.
2011年是中国—东盟建立对话关系20周年,双方在政治安全、经济以及社会文化各方面的合作都取得显著成效,但也存在一些问题。如何增进政治互信,进一步深化各领域合作是中国与东盟互利友好关系发展中需要解决的课题。 相似文献
237.
Catherine Jasserand 《Computer Law & Security Report》2018,34(1):154-165
Access by law enforcement authorities to personal data initially collected by private parties for commercial or operational purposes is very common, as shown by the transparency reports of new technology companies on law enforcement requests. From a data protection perspective, the scenario of law enforcement access is not necessarily well taken into account. The adoption of the new data protection framework offers the opportunity to assess whether the new ‘police’ Directive, which regulates the processing of personal data for law enforcement purposes, offers sufficient safeguards to individuals. To make this assessment, provisions contained in Directive 2016/680 are tested against the standards established by the ECJ in Digital Rights Ireland and Tele2 Sverige on the retention of data and their further access and use by police authorities. The analysis reveals that Directive 2016/680 does not contain the safeguards identified in the case law. The paper further assesses the role and efficiency of the principle of purpose limitation as a safeguard against repurposing in a law enforcement context. Last, solutions to overcome the shortcomings of Directive 2016/680 are examined in conclusion. 相似文献
238.
Jeffrey D. Wilson 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(2):345-353
The emergence of “mega-regional” trade agreements has recently become the most significant trade policy issue in the Asia-Pacific. Since 2010, governments in the region have launched negotiations for two new trade agreements: the United States-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the ASEAN-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Differentiated by their membership, scope and level of ambition, the TPP and RCEP embody competing visions for how the Asia-Pacific trade system should evolve, and regional governments must now make choices over which initiative better serves their economic and political interests. This article explores the trade policy choice posed by these mega-regional trade negotiations, reviewing the evolution of the Asia-Pacific trade system, the recent emergence of the TPP and RCEP, and the competitive dynamics inherent in the development of the two proposals. It argues that four key considerations (trade policy ambition, the role of ASEAN, US-China geopolitical rivalry and defensive concerns) will be of key importance in informing regional governments’ decisions as the TPP and RCEP move towards completion in 2015. 相似文献
239.
Henri Bezuidenhout Carike Claassen 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(2):227-246
South African dominance of trade in Africa as well as its position as a regional hegemon was entrenched by the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) with the European Union in 1999. South Africa's full-blown integration into the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) formation since 2011 has brought new dynamics, however, as South Africa now has a marked BRICS orientation. Although the European Union (EU) as a bloc is still South Africa's largest trading partner, China has become South Africa's largest single-country trading partner. The question arises as to whether this new found loyalty makes sense in terms of South Africa's regional position and its trade prospects. Against the background of more intra-industry trade with the EU and the new and growing inter-industry trade with the other BRICS economies, South Africa's trade share of African trade has been in relative decline. This study uses an international political economy framework to analyse South African trade hegemony based on the TDCA and the possible effects of a shift towards BRICS. The conclusion is that, although the shift towards BRICS can politically be justified, economically it should not be at the expense of the benefits of the more advantageous relationship with the EU. 相似文献
240.
Megan Pickup 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1941-1961
I focus on evaluating Brazilian development and humanitarian cooperation in Haiti to answer how emerging providers such as Brazil are contributing to global development through cooperation. The paper establishes criteria for evaluation, arguing that global standards for aid effectiveness need to be expanded. I argue that when assessed on ownership, efficiency and sustainability, cooperation holds several advantages and limits, such as misplaced assumptions that Brazil’s approach is appropriate elsewhere. The discussion is rooted in the context of Haiti in order to underline how outcomes are not pre-determined, but rather depend on the model’s interaction with the partner context. 相似文献