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181.
《Communist and Post》2019,52(3):271-281
The transformation process from an authoritarian/totalitarian system entails many institutional changes, however, the individual citizen is often being overlooked in this chaotic, fast-paced process and his or her “transformation” into a democrat is taken for granted. The changing socio-political system and its exigencies may lead to nostalgia and social frustrations, which in turn cause democratic backsliding. In order to cultivate a democratic society and avoid future backsliding, the post-communist states quickly set out to reform their educational systems, both in form and substance. By reviewing the reform process of the Czech educational system and discussing the prevailing legacies left by the communist regime, the article will show that through the “destruction” of the former system and its de-monopolization, decentralization and de-ideologization, the state deliberately lost significant means and power to transform Czechs from “homo sovieticus” to “homo democraticus” and is now left with a dependence on the highly autonomous schools and their propensity to foster democratic generations that will uphold the democratic state in the future. This paradox is reminiscent of the so-called Böckenförde dilemma, claiming that the liberal democratic state “lives by prerequisites which it cannot guarantee itself”. 相似文献
182.
Kazakhstan is home to the longest serving ruler in post-Soviet Eurasia while Kyrgyzstan is among the region’s most competitive polities. Do these regime differences correspond to divergence in political attitudes, as an extensive body of literature posits? Are Kyrgyzstanis more likely to strongly support democratic ideals? Are Kazakhstanis less likely? Contrary to expectations, data reveal the two populations to be attitudinally indistinguishable when it comes to strong support for practices associated with democracy. Whatever country differences we find are minor or statistically insignificant. We explain this convergence by shifting focus away from the political features that distinguish the two nascent democracy versus consolidated authoritarianism to those that they hold in common. Notwithstanding major constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan in 2010, politics there, as in Kazakhstan, remains fundamentally patronal, or patronage- based. Mass attitudes, we argue, align in many ways with the countries’ shared patronal politics, rather than with their contrasting regime types. 相似文献
183.
劳动者作为社会发展的重要力量,具有生命存在的终极意义及追寻生命价值的本能渴望.但是他们生命的存在以及价值的实现不断面临现实的挑战,敬畏与关爱是对劳动者生命的基本的道德态度,工会在其中可以发挥重要作用. 相似文献
184.
Thomas T. Holyoke Jeffrey R. Henig Heath Brown Natalie Lacireno-Paquet 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(1):33-55
Baumgartner and Jones (1993) showed how radically new policies emerge on government agendas as a consequence of exogenous shocks to policy subsystems displacing privileged interests. But how do these policies evolve post-punctuation? In this paper, we present three different models of policy change. Policies may revert to the old status quo if displaced interests re-assert themselves, or they may be “locked-in” by new interests now reaping the benefits. Alternatively, they may incrementally change as lawmakers “learn” how to better meet target population needs, particularly by witnessing how other jurisdictions address similar problems. We test these models with data on change in state charter schools laws over time. We find that whether old status quos are overthrow, and the fate of charter policies when they are enacted, is influenced more by competing political interests, especially interest groups, than elite and public perceptions of broad systemic crises. Yet, we also find that changing demands on the state and learning from the successes and failures of neighboring states also play significant roles. 相似文献
185.
本文总结了学校坚持以科学发展观为指导,在专业建设、课程改革、教学科研、实训基地建设、师资队伍建设、校园文化、校企合作等方面所进行的探索和取得的成绩。为今后的学校的建设和发展提供参考。 相似文献
186.
Gwyneth C. McClendon 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(3):349-372
International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute
arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers
and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns
attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals
impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects
and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected
on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test
these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful
implementation of international criminal law.
相似文献
Gwyneth C. McClendonEmail: |
187.
本文着重考察男性女权主义知识分子对英国妇女选举权运动所起到的推动作用。男性女权主义先锋,顶住重重压力,"背叛"了男权王国。他们成为妇女选举权运动的发起人与推动者,并为之做出巨大贡献。从19世纪上半叶至20世纪初,男性妇女参政论者支持妇女选举权运动的活动经历了由分散到集中,由"宪政"至"战斗"的历程,其指导思想也由自由主义转向社会主义。1928年英国妇女最终获得平等选举权,这一辉煌成果中包含着几代男性妇女参政论者的不懈努力。 相似文献
188.
认罪认罚案件上诉权的设置存在多元价值冲突的情形,基于公正价值与效率价值的平衡需要,应当明确赋予认罪认罚案件被告人上诉权.在上诉权的设置上,应当对适用速裁程序审理的认罪认罚案件被告人的上诉权进行限制,要求速裁案件被告人上诉必须有正当理由,而认罪认罚案件适用其他程序审理的则无需附加理由.速裁案件被告人上诉的正当理由主要包括... 相似文献
189.
本文通过对《贵州民族研究》1995~2005年载文量变化、论文选题分布、载文作者统计和论文被引用情况等作统计分析,来探讨该民族学专业期刊的学术资源构成特点及其学术影响力。 相似文献
190.
在实现民族社会快速发展的同时,如何防止民族优秀传统文化的遗失是一个社会性问题。在民族文化生态系统中,民族文化从多方面影响和制约着民族教育,民族教育作为民族文化的重要组成部分,既是民族文化的一种特殊表现形式,又是民族文化传承和发展的基本途径。依据民族文化与民族教育相互关系原理,贵州省实施了民族文化进校园活动。实践表明,这一活动是一项民族文化与民族教育互动发展的助推工程,为我们提供了一条保护和传承民族优秀传统文化的可选道路。 相似文献