The Rise of Citizen Groups within the Administration and Parliament in Switzerland

This research note presents three newly interconnected and expanded datasets on interest groups’ (IGs) access to the Swiss political decision‐making process: (1) extra‐parliamentary committee seats occupied by IGs (1980, 2000, 2010), (2) parliamentary (committee) seats occupied by IG representatives (1992‐2015), and (3) consultation replies submitted by IGs (2008‐11). We show that the Swiss system of interest intermediation adapted to the multiplication and organizational consolidation of citizen groups, which defend non‐producer interests and do not provide selective benefits to their members (e.g. environmental groups). The share of access granted to citizen groups has increased in both the administration and parliament, across all federal departments and most legislative committees. Moreover, citizen groups benefit from a larger share of access in the recently revitalized parliament, compared to the administration. This suggests that economic groups’ decline in power is also related to the rise of citizen groups.     

Gaughran vs the UK and public acceptability of forensic biometrics retention

This commentary provides a response to the European Court of Human Rights ruling in the case of Gaughran vs the United Kingdom on 13 February 2020. The Court ruled that the indefinite retention of DNA, fingerprints and facial images from all convicted adults was disproportionate. Using data from a survey on public attitudes, we examine the public acceptability of the police retention of forensic biometrics from the population.     

专业学会在应对突发公共卫生事件中的作用——以新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情应对为例

与一般危机事件相比,突发公共卫生事件具有突发性、高度专业性、未知性、群体性、社会性以及应对协同性等特征。在现代化治理体系中,专业学会作为突发公共卫生事件应急管理的重要补充力量,应当发挥专业优势、组织协调优势、凝聚精神等优势,在疾病的预测、健康科普、组织动员、心理干预等方面发挥积极作用。     

“放管服”改革的行政法意义及其完善

与先前行政审批制度改革相比,党的十八大以来大力推进的"放管服"改革更加强调权力调整的动态性、整体性、系统性,其对于优化政府职责、转变监管方式、深入推进国家治理体系和能力现代化具有明显的积极意义。但此轮"放管服"改革依然沿袭了行政审批制度改革的运动化、政策化思路,并不完全符合法治政府建设的基本要求。从职权法定、监管工具的动态调整、优化公共服务的基本法则三个方面,"放管服"改革的行政法意义和合法性风险可以得到更加清晰的呈现。要提升"放管服"改革的法治品性,需要以《行政许可法》的有效实施为核心,通过设立专门的社会化的"放管服"改革委员会、激活行政许可评价制度、引入更广泛的专家和社会参与、完善试验改革的授权制度、优化规制工具分析评价制度几个方面来实现。     

价值共创:公共服务合作生产的新趋势

合作生产是一种重要的公共服务生产模式,在提高公共部门回应性和推动公共服务创新方面发挥了重要作用。面对解决"棘手问题"的挑战,复杂的外部治理环境催生了对公共行政价值问题的反思,合作生产不仅要关注行政效率的提升,也要重视以公民为中心的多元价值创造。在此情境下,公共服务合作生产向价值共创转变。本文梳理了不同时期的公共行政理论对合作生产的影响,对合作生产概念的演变与发展进行了探讨,阐释了从合作生产发展为价值共创的内在逻辑。在此基础上,本文分析了理解价值共创的三种理论路径,并结合我国公共服务发展的现实背景,讨论了公共服务价值共创的启示。     

上海大型居住社区高质量发展的理论分析与政策探讨——基于上海市五个大型居住社区的经验调查

本文基于上海市五个大型居住社区(以下简称"大居")的问卷调查与实地走访,梳理了上海"大居"现有就业机会、服务资源的配置情况以及居民需求状况。调查显示,上海"大居"在社区商业设施配套、公共交通设施、文体娱乐活动、物业管理服务以及教育资源等公共服务配套方面仍存在供需失衡问题,尚不能满足居民更高层次的需求。因而,要通过加快优质公共服务资源的导入,扭转"大居"弱势群体集聚的薄弱态势,推动人口结构优化,带动市场化资源的注入,培育"大居"社区内生增长动力,将"大居"建成多阶层、多群体共荣共享的高品质社区。     

‘You Can't Always Get What You Want’: The effects of winning and losing in a referendum on citizens' referendum support

In Western democracies, many citizens support the use of referendums. However, as referendums create satisfying outcomes for citizens with majority views, they could generate ambivalent feelings among voters for the minority option. Little is known about the effects of winning or losing a referendum for citizens' referendum support. This article analyses multiple-wave survey data from five referendums in Bavaria (Germany), Finland and the Netherlands. The findings show that losers' referendum support decreases in nearly all cases, but there is very limited evidence for an increase of winners' referendum support. Nevertheless, the results clearly indicate a winner-loser gap, suggesting that referendums have relatively more positive effects for winners' than for losers' referendum support. As such, this article extends previous findings of the non-stability of referendum support. As the legitimacy of democratic institutions depends upon losers' consent, these findings have important implications for the democratic potential of referendums.     

Building the Rule of International Criminal Law: The Role of Judges and Prosecutors in the Apprehension of War Criminals

International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful implementation of international criminal law.

公共安全生产事故的产生与防范——政企合谋视角的解析

从政企合谋视角对公共安全生产事故的产生与防范进行解析,建立了一个中央政府一地方政府一企业的三层委托代理模型,考察了公共安全生产事故产生的机理,发现中央政府在对待政企合谋问题时,主要是在公共安全生产事故被披露时所造成的社会成本和对地方政府所付出的激励报酬之间进行权衡:存在一个临界值,当公共安全生产事故被披露时所造成的社会成本较高时,中央政府应对地方政府采取激励契约;当公共安全生产事故被披露所造成的社会成本较低时,则政府对地方政府采取固定报酬契约.进一步对模型相关参数进行比较静态分析,并据此对现实中的现象给予解释:(1)中央政府反合谋力度与社会发展阶段密切相关;(2)地方政府官员绩效考核体系不完善诱发政企合谋;(3)对企业惩罚的不可信加大了中央政府的防合谋成本;(4)公众监督降低了中央政府的防合谋成本.     

Policy dynamics and the evolution of state charter school laws

Baumgartner and Jones (1993) showed how radically new policies emerge on government agendas as a consequence of exogenous shocks to policy subsystems displacing privileged interests. But how do these policies evolve post-punctuation? In this paper, we present three different models of policy change. Policies may revert to the old status quo if displaced interests re-assert themselves, or they may be “locked-in” by new interests now reaping the benefits. Alternatively, they may incrementally change as lawmakers “learn” how to better meet target population needs, particularly by witnessing how other jurisdictions address similar problems. We test these models with data on change in state charter schools laws over time. We find that whether old status quos are overthrow, and the fate of charter policies when they are enacted, is influenced more by competing political interests, especially interest groups, than elite and public perceptions of broad systemic crises. Yet, we also find that changing demands on the state and learning from the successes and failures of neighboring states also play significant roles.