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821.
相对于认定故意犯形态的原因自由行为有诸多疑难而言,在过失犯形态的原因自由行为之中承认原因行为的实行行为性并没有太多争议。但无论如何,过失犯形态的原因自由行为至少在表象上有别于一般的过失犯,其特点就在于可以划分为原因行为和结果行为这两个阶段,而在结果行为阶段又的确是丧失了责任能力甚至是行为能力。相关判例印证了在自陷无责的情形中构成要件模式的正确性,即原因自由行为实质上并不是一种需要特殊归责的构造,而只是一种现象上有独特之处,但完全可以被包括在一般的归责形态(无论是过失犯还是故意犯)之中的说明形式(说明实行行为到底在何处)而已。要成立过失犯形态的原因自由行为,关键在于如何在具体情况下认定行为人的过失心理,它可能有三种表现形式。 相似文献
822.
近些年来,伪造、盗窃、买卖武装部队专用标志的情况不断增多,严重扰乱了社会管理秩序,损害了军队形象和声誉,妨害了部队战备、训练等工作的正常进行。《中华人民共和国刑法修正案(七)》将伪造、盗窃、买卖武装部队专用标志罪正式入刑,这是我国刑事立法的重要完善,也是维护国防利益的重要举措。本文在界定了伪造、盗窃、买卖武装部队专用标志罪概念的基础上,简要梳理了此类犯罪的立法沿革、概况,按照刑法理论分别从犯罪主体、犯罪主观方面、犯罪客体和犯罪客观方面对本罪的犯罪构成要件进行了论述,探讨了此罪与非罪、此罪与彼罪的政策界限,并对处罚进行了简要分析。 相似文献
823.
刑法是防控恐怖主义犯罪的最后一道防线.而当下我国无论是对反恐刑法的基本认识,还是刑法的相关规定都存在着许多值得反思和商榷之处.为扭转被动局面,实现对恐怖主义犯罪的有效规制,有必要创新恐怖主义犯罪刑法管控的基本理念,充实、完善其制度内容.唯有如此,才能增进恐怖主义犯罪防控的科学性、针对性和有效性. 相似文献
824.
《刑法》第388条之一是关于利用影响力受贿罪的规定,该法条来源于《刑法修正案(七)》第13条之增设性规定,旨在从严预防和惩治贿赂犯罪。尤其是针对以往不具有国家工作人员身份的人(主要是国家工作人员的"身边人"以及离职的国家工作人员和他们的"身边人"等)索取或收受贿赂后因惩处缺位而借以逃脱法律制裁的状况,立法上作出了相应的改进。然而,在增设了利用影响力受贿罪这一罪名后,必须考虑其与原有的贿赂犯罪罪刑体系如何衔接与协调,特别是有必要对该罪的罪名确定、主体范围、行为特征以及司法适用等问题进行深刻地解读。 相似文献
825.
826.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(2):249-273
The volatile political environment that surrounds the issue of “racial profiling” has led local and state police agencies across the nation to start collecting information about traffic and pedestrian stops. The controversy over this issue is overwhelmed by the unsupported assumption that all race-based decision making by police officers is motivated by individual police officers' racial prejudice. This article reviews recently published studies on racial profiling and critiques both their methods and conclusions. Using the conceptual framework for police research presented by Bernard and Engel, it reviews a number of theories that may explain racial disparities in the rates of police stops. The authors argue that to explain police behavior better, theoretical models must guide future data collection efforts. 相似文献
827.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):427-451
On May 1, 2002, the Philadelphia Police Department launched Operation Safe Streets, stationing officers at 214 of the highest drug activity locations in the city 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. Interrupted time series (AutoRegressive Integrated Moving Average) models on weekly data isolated citywide and local program impacts on all violent crimes, murder, and reported drug crimes. Results showed no significant impacts on citywide weekly counts for drug crimes, homicides, or all violent crimes. Geographically focused analyses showed significant localized intervention impacts for both violent and drug crimes. Analyses of high‐drug‐activity non‐intervention sites suggest: the program impacts seen were not an artifact of history or local history; significant spatial diffusion of preventive benefits for violent crime; and probably significant spatial displacement for drug crime. Stationary targeted drug‐enforcement interventions like Operation Safe Streets may differentially affect the locational selection processes behind violent crime versus drug crime. 相似文献
828.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):729-761
Even though previous research has not examined mass murder prior to 1965, scholars have asserted that the mid-1960s marked the onset of an unprecedented and ever-growing mass murder wave. Using news accounts and the FBI's Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR) as sources of data, this study analyzes 909 mass killings that took place between 1900 and 1999. Although the mid-1960s marked the beginning of a mass murder wave, it was not unprecedented, because mass killings were nearly as common during the 1920s and 1930s. The results also show that familicides, the modal mass murder over the last several decades, were even more prevalent before the 1970s. Moreover, mass killers were older, more suicidal, and less likely to use guns in the first two-thirds of the 20th century. Although some have claimed that workplace massacres represent a new “strain” in mass murder, the findings suggest that the only new type of mass killing that emerged during the 20th century was the drug-related massacre. 相似文献
829.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(1):147-162
The errors associated with measuring the number of militia and patriot groups may cast doubt on conclusions drawn from prior studies of the spatial variation of these movements. Most studies of militias have been qualitative investigations of a single group, state, or region. A growing number of studies, however, have used quantitative techniques to assess the hypothesis that the number of militia groups by state covaries with structural and cultural forces. We outline a number of concerns with the validity of the counts, conducted by the Anti‐Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center, used by these studies. We re‐estimate models from previous studies using the four alternative measures of these groups employed in prior studies. We find that many inferences drawn for identical theoretical models differ based upon the measure used. These discrepancies apply not simply to tangential control variables but to indicators of key theoretical constructs. In other words, the decision as to whether or not a particular theoretical framework receives empirical support often depends upon which measure of the dependent variable is used. This suggests that the inconsistent findings in prior research may be due to measurement error and makes it difficult to assess the validity of the conclusions drawn from these studies. It is important to be aware of these weaknesses since scholars studying political crimes and related phenomena often use information from similar sources, making this specific example relevant to a more general area of research. 相似文献
830.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(2):283-312
Hypotheses from General Strain theory are addressed using data from a random sample of adults in Raleigh, NC. Analyses examine three issues: (1) whether strain predicts self‐projected criminal behavior; controlling for past self‐reported crime; (2) whether negative emotions mediate the relationship between strain and projected crime; and (3) whether social support and criminal peers serve as contingencies or mediators for strain in predicting criminality. Results are generally consistent with previous studies focusing on youth. Three of four measures of strain are found to predict the crime measures. However, that relationship is not mediated by negative emotion and the measures of social support and criminal peers do not act as contingencies or mediators. The results suggest that strain may not operate through negative emotions and that theoretical refinement is needed to identify which potential contingencies are likely to be operating under various circumstances. 相似文献