核安全全球治理:历史、现实与挑战

核安全风险超越国界,可能跨越地区,甚至影响全球,因而核安全的治理必然是全球治理。各国对核安全风险的评估、核安全意识的养成是一个演进的过程,与此同步的是核安全全球治理。核安全全球治理经历了冷战、冷战结束和九一一事件以来的三个发展阶段,治理的主要内容随着国际安全形势的变化而调整。冷战期间的核安全全球治理主要体现为建立国际原子能机构以管理核能的和平利用,防范无核国家以发展民用核能为由发展核武器,签署和履行与核安全密切相关的国际公约、培育核安全的意识;冷战结束初期,国际原子能机构强化了保障监督能力,多边出口管制机制加强了对涉核物项出口的管控,国家间展开了实质性的核安全合作;九一一恐怖袭击之后,核安全全球治理呈现加速度的趋势,国际社会日益形成核安全共识,全球性制度建设加速,多边合作加强。经过多年努力,核安全全球治理的制度建设取得了显著成就,双边和多边国际合作得到实质性推动,但核安全全球治理仍然面临如何有效减少核材料存量、如何推动相关国家切实履行国家责任等挑战。     

The international movement to deter corruption： Should China join？

Global concerns over the corruption of weak governments by firms engaged in transnational business are the source of an international movement that emerged in 1997. Special concern is presently directed at the weakness of enforcement of laws enacted in recent times to deter corrupt business practices in international trade that were enacted in response to that movement. One cause of weakness in law enforcement is the failure of China to share actively in those concerns and the efforts to address them. This essay will briefly record steps taken in other nations to address the concerns and the limited effectiveness of those steps. It will urge Chinese participation in the international movement and briefly suggest the need for private enforcement of the law if the movement is to succeed.     

解读国际刑法的“完整人格”——读《国际刑法通论》（增补版）

国际刑法规范的＂完整人格＂关涉国际刑法的＂完整人格＂。《国际刑法通论》一书对国际刑法及国际刑法规范＂完整人格＂的论证,主要是以调整对象为基点、以战争犯罪为例证、以＂个人不是国际法的主体＂为逻辑前提进行的,其论证系统、生动。但其基点是否准确,例证是否贴切,逻辑前提是否必然成立等问题还需进一步考证。     

个体主义、政治精英与国际关系

微观层次的国际关系理论研究以人格化的视角观察国家和整个国际社会行为、探寻国际冲突的根源,成为传统现实主义和理想主义国际关系理论研究的切入点.现代意义上微观层面的国际关系研究十分注重个体的认知能力,强调政治领袖和决策精英的外交理念、才能、素质以及外交家对外部环境的认知和应变能力在国际关系演变中的特殊作用.因此,个体主义分析方法已成为国际关系理论综合研究的一个重要维度,为进一步理解政治精英在国际关系和外交决策过程中的作用提供了独特的理论分析视角.     

腐败犯罪的法律控制与国际刑法的演进——以《联合国反腐败公约》为视角

《联合国反腐败公约》是国际社会控制腐败犯罪最重要的国际刑法公约。该公约在国际层面明确了腐败犯罪的定罪范围,扩大了腐败犯罪的主体,发展了国际刑法中犯罪构成理论,首创了腐败资产必须返回机制,突破了双重犯罪原则和政治犯罪不引渡原则,拓展了国际刑事合作领域。     

An agenda for change in U.S. climate policies? Presidential ambitions and congressional powers

The U.S. membership in the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) constituted an important element in the Bush administration’s voluntary and non-committing ‘soft-law’ approach to climate change. With the inauguration of President Barack Obama, the U.S. has embarked on a shift in its climate policy towards a legislative, ‘hard-law’ strategy. Obama’s approach implies that the distribution of interests in Congress becomes more significant. In this article, we assess the rules and procedures governing the relationship between the president and the Congress embedded in the U.S. Constitution and explore implications of a stronger congressional involvement in U.S. climate policies for President Obama’s ability to realise his climate policy ambitions at both the domestic and the international levels. We argue that the strong relationship between natural resource dependence (coal and oil) and opposition to climate policies is a constant feature of the U.S. climate policy debate. In order to succeed, Obama must break the enduring gridlock characterising congressional debate in this policy area by designing policies that, through compromise and compensation, can mobilise the support of oil- and coal-state representatives in Congress. The acceptability of an international climate treaty in Congress, moreover, depends inter alia on the resolution of the difficult issue of developing country participation. Success may be enhanced by using the APP and the Major Economies Initiative as informal arenas for negotiation and sector-based cooperation, thus providing a much-needed supplement to the UN-based negotiation process.

Global principles for sustainable biofuel production and trade

This article examines international attempts to regulate the production of and trade in biofuels by establishing criteria and indicators and certification schemes. It focuses on the norms underlying the criteria and the community constructed on the basis of them. The theoretical approach here rests on a discussion of these norms and on their constitutive role. This role creates a community and gives an institutional basis for the global public domain. Accordingly, different norms create the network on which environmental governance is based. It is assumed that commonly accepted criteria form a common norm. The article analyses eleven criteria and indicator systems and compares the criteria adopted. Eight were created for biofuels and bioenergy and three are used in forest certification. Comparison reveals that the criterion aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions is used in Northern systems, whereas commonly accepted environmental criteria are biodiversity and minimization of pollution. The web of norms on which biofuel production and trade is based comprises environmental norms together with the general norm of sovereignty and the norms of the market economy.

“保护的责任”：国际法院相关司法实践研究

“保护的责任”自提出以来,迄今已在政治层面获得了广泛的国际共识。在法律层面特别是可操作性层面,国际法院通过对《灭种罪公约》及《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》的解释和适用,提出了“作为一种义务存在的干涉”这样一种新观念,强调了所有公约当事国所应承担的“预防责任”,间接地回应了《国家对国际不法行为的责任》条款草案第48条,也从法律实践的角度回应了“保护的责任”,特别是其中的“预防责任”。通过这种回应,就使国家基于“保护的责任”而采取的某些干涉行动具有合法性。这种回应,将会深刻地影响到国家的行为模式。面对这种新发展所带来的挑战,中国有必要调整自身外交策略。     

国际警察手枪实用射击(PPC)特点分析

国际警察手枪实用射击 (简称PPC)在我国引进、开展已经两年多了 ,国内许多公安机关都在以此为警务技能训练中射击技能的培训手段。“PPC”在我国大有成为警察手枪实用射击训练代名词的趋势。本文在对“PPC”优缺点进行详细、客观的分析后 ,提出 :为使我们的射击教学与训练更加接近我国警察实战需要 ,更好的与国际警察射击训练方法接轨 ,我们应该理智、冷静的对待“PPC”的引进。     

Selection Effects and Deterrence

The empirical question of how often deterrent threats issued during international disputes succeed has been hotly debated for years, with some researchers arguing that virtually no robust cases of success can be identified. I argue that what appears to be an empirical and methodological debate actually arises from the inadequacy of classical rational deterrence theory, which fails to comprehend the implications of states' strategic self-selection into international disputes. Rational self-selection is shown to imply that in a sample of crises, deterrent threats issued after an initial challenge will tend to fail in precisely those cases where they are relatively most credible signals of an intent to resist with force. The product of a selection effect, this paradoxical implication allows a resolution of the debate on the efficacy of deterrence in crises. And because selection effects can arise whenever a historical "case" is the product of choices by actors who also influence the outcome in question, this example from the study of deterrence has broad relevance for empirical research.