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131.
在西方国家里,财政就是公共财政,而在我国可以说是我们经过几十年的旧式财政运行机制同新型市场经济体制激烈碰击之后悟出的真谛。财政改革的目标模式是建立公共财政的问题越来越引起人们的重视。本文试图从公共政府的执政理念的角度,把握公共财政的实质性特征。以期探索在现代市场经济条件下建立公共财政的新路。 相似文献
132.
顾栋 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2003,16(3):23-25,62
电子政府是现代政府发展创新的动力之一,现代政府以向公民和社会提供优质高效的服务为宗旨。政府行政流程是政府管理活动的运作过程,国家公务员要登上电子政府工作平台,成为集成型行政人才。 相似文献
133.
近日,中国保监会对个人汽车消费贷款保证保险旧条款紧急叫停,根本原因在于个人汽车消费贷款保证保险纠纷案件与日俱增。正确认识保证保险条款和保证保险合作协议之间的关系是正确解决此类纠纷的关键。个人汽车消费贷款保证保险不同于担保。借款合同尚未生效,保险人不应当承担保险责任。 相似文献
134.
Nir Naor 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2006,21(3):285-314
Fearing Enron-like financial fiascos concerning derivatives, accounting standards boards have issued new standards aimed at
promoting higher transparency and reducing information asymmetries. After persistent reluctance, and despite significant criticism,
the pertinent International standard, with some exceptions, was finally adopted by the E.U., for the sake of intra-European
and cross-Atlantic accounting harmonization, for which the standard constituted sine-qua-non. These reluctance and criticism
are not unfounded, as the standards might paradoxically result in increased information asymmetries, not easily mitigated
by additional disclosure, and ultimately resulting in distortion of capital allocation and corporate governance mechanisms.
Suggestions for more efficient solutions are outlined herein.
JEL Classification G34 · M40 相似文献
135.
馨元 《中国青年政治学院学报》2004,23(5):80-85
全球化和网络时代的到来,使公民概念面临着新的挑战。全球化给公民带来的冲击只使其与国家发生关系的范围变得更为广泛、影响国家的权力运行的因素更多、公民监督的范围更广泛,并不能使公民概念的基本内容发生改变。 相似文献
136.
Internet已成为本世纪最重要的信息传播媒体,这将极大地改变当今社会结构,改变人类生活和工作方式.同时,也给成人高校图书馆在情报交流、科学研究等方面带来新的模式,使其在教学内容和培养方式上有了重大突破. 相似文献
137.
王健 《中共长春市委党校学报》2002,(1):33-36
地方政府有效地履行政府职能可以纠正市场失灵,促进地方经济的发展。地方财政是地方政府履行政府职能的经济基础。当前,我国地方财政还存在一些与市场经济体制及国际惯例不尽适应的问题,制约了地方政府正常地履行其职能。这需要通过深化财税体制改革,建立公共财政体制来解决。 相似文献
138.
Political participation researchers have developed several evaluative techniques to assess the representativeness of political participation patterns. Yet, while the Internet has become a mainstream avenue for political participation in the United States, current assessments of online participation insufficiently apply these methods. To incorporate these methods we begin by drawing upon resource theory to inform two-stage ordered-logit models of online and offline political participation. Our results suggest that the factors predicting online participation often differ from the factors that predict offline participation. Even so, we find that those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds tend to disproportionately possess these distinct online determinants. Next, we use a wide spectrum of political opinion questions to determine whether online participators opinions reflect or distort those of the general population. Overall, we find that online participation tends to relate moderately with liberal preferences. However, because offline participation relates to political attitudes similarly, the Internet only marginally advantages the political voice of liberals. Finally, we discuss the implications of these results. 相似文献
139.
付永吉 《北京青年政治学院学报》2007,16(2):44-51
互联网为现代社会提供了即时广泛交往、学习型社会支撑、现代人格开发、社情民意表达四大新平台;在网络日益普及的今天,思想政治工作领域发生了接受的主体性、手段的丰富性、时空的超越性、参与的社会性等重大变化;通过积极建构社会化工作平台,营造优良的网络虚拟社区文化,建立网络伦理导向机制,建设强有力的网络政工队伍,思想政治工作就可以把握时代新机遇,开拓工作新局面。 相似文献
140.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):62-76
Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups. 相似文献