《野性的呼唤》中对忠诚的呼唤(英文)

The Call of the Wild is one of the masterpieces of Jack London.The hero,Buck,is a dog.The dog is not only an animal but has features of human beings.By comparing Buck's attitudes and behavior to its masters with the way the masters treat Buck,and analyzing Buck's response to John Thornton's death,we can see that the author expresses the desire for loyalty in this novel.     

论罗尔斯对功利主义的批判

罗尔斯对功利主义的批判是为了建立一种正义理论,以期代替居于统治地位的功利主义,他对功利主义的批评,涉及到功利主义的三个错误:即功利主义没有认真考虑在一个社会里如何分配利益和福利;功利主义没有认真地考虑人与人之间的差别;功利主义没有考虑欲望满足方面的特性.而这三个错误在罗尔斯看来是目的论和道义论之间的差异、是善与正义之间的差异、是效率原则与平等原则之间的差别.在<政治自由主义>中,他又联系社会多元论的事实,对功利主义的综合性学说进行批评,使他对功利主义的批判上升到一个新的阶段.罗尔斯对功利主义的批判给我们两点启示:如何正确处理效率原则和平等原则关系问题以及如何正确处理一元与多元的关系问题.     

论洛克有限政府思想及其宪政价值

洛克作为近代宪政民主政治思想重要的奠基人之一,凭借《政府论》上、下两篇的论述,在批判"君权神授"的基础上,对"有限政府"思想进行了较为全面的阐释。尤以《政府论》下篇为代表,对后世宪政的发展产生了莫大的影响。可以说在洛克相关理论的影响下,才有了今日限制政治权力、保障公民权利的现代宪政理论。本文通过对洛克有限政府思想进行溯源剖析,分析其中所蕴含的宪政价值。     

Vectors of traumatic memories and mass-mediated representations of the ‘last’ Nazi trial of John Demjanjuk

This is an ideological critique of key vectors of memory that could have circulated during the Munich trial of John Demjanjuk. While many members of the mainstream press applauded the efforts of German prosecutors who seemed to be dispensing belated justice to Europe’s ‘second generation,’ the circulation of these select legal vectors left us truncated World War II histories. Moreover, the binary choices that were posed stood in the way of more comprehensive and nuanced studies of Stalinism, Nazi and collaborator culpability.     

Reconciliation Arguments in John Rawls’s Political Philosophy

Abstract

Recently debates about the worth of “ideal theory” have directed attention to the functions that an account of a perfectly just society can serve. One function is that of “reconciliation”: learning that a seemingly undesirable feature of the social world would exist even in the perfectly just society can show us the value that it has in the present as well. John Rawls has emphasized reconciliation as among the roles of political philosophy. For instance, Rawls claims that his theory of justice can reconcile us to the pluralism of liberal democracies. In this essay, I argue that Rawls’s political theory also can reconcile the inhabitants of liberal democratic societies to the fact that such societies may be cognitively confusing on account of their complexity. Then I contend that Rawls’s work offers valuable theoretical resources for analysing a society’s transparency or lack thereof.     

Public Reason and the Need to Identify State-Relevant Desert

Plausible retributivist justifications for punishment assert that the commission of a moral wrong creates a pro tanto reason to punish the person who committed it. Yet there are good case-based and theoretical reasons to believe that not all moral wrongs are the proper subjects of criminal law or that they are within the proper domain of the state. This article provides these reasons, which suggest that a plausible retributivist justification for punishment must make distinctions between state-relevant and non-state-relevant moral wrongs and (consequently) state-relevant and non-state-relevant desert. The article makes the case for Rawlsian public reason as a plausible method for making these distinctions.     

Regionalism in Crisis: GCC Integration without Democracy

ABSTRACT

At the core of “disembedded regionalism” in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is an incapacity to foster more representative forms of politics that are responsive to citizens. Instead, elite-to-elite relations are a salient feature that characterises Gulf politics. A radical re-reading of Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls, applied to the GCC in the first two decades of the 21st century, confirms that top-down management of politics is conducive to conflict and disintegration as against integration, marginalising the agenda of multi-level governance within the subregion. Set against the backdrop of the current blockade/crisis, this critical rendition throws into sharp relief the non-democratic brand of GCC regionalism.     

Reviews

Books reviewed:
Hodges, Multi-Party Actions
Katz et al., Cross Currents: Family Law and Policy in the US and England
Paulus, Die internationale Gemeinschaft in Völkerrecht
Norrie, Punishment, Responsibility, and Justice: A Relational Critique
Bell, Peace Agreements and Human Rights
Powell, Sir James Whitelock's Liber Famerlicus 1570–1632: Law and Politics in Early Stuart England
Clam, Droit et société chez Niklas Luhmann. La contingence des normes     

Sir John Bradbury and the Reparations Commission, 1920-25

This article looks at a neglected episode during the work of the Reparations Commission of 1920-25 leading up to the Dawes Plan of 1924, when the British delegate to the Commission, Sir John Bradbury, drew up a plan to reschedule German reparation payments in an attempt to take the venom out of the debate over these payments. It takes as its documentary basis the previously unpublished papers of Sir John in his role as Britain's representative on the Reparations Commission from 1920 to 1925. The article concludes that Bradbury's plan had the potential to defuse at least some of the problems encountered in the political and economic results of the reparations policy and that it made a significant contribution to the thinking that emerged in the Dawes Plan.     

Piercing the Incumbency Syndrome: Ghana’s Democratic Transition in 2017

Ghana’s political landscape changed dramatically in 2017, with the election of Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo as president. Ghana’s political transition in 2017 raises new insights into presidential recruitment and politics in Ghana. The purpose of this article is to examine the 2016 elections within the spectrum of the politics of Ghana’s presidential recruitment. This article discusses the hurdles that were surmounted by the opposition New Patriotic Party party, in unseating the incumbent National Democratic Congress (NDC) party. The author coins the term ‘the John Syndrome’ to highlight the mythology held by some commentators that Akufo Addo could not be elected president, because his name is not ‘John’. Discussions about intra-party squabbles that resulted in the loss of NDC’s incumbency are provided. The article concludes that Akufo Addo’s presidency symbolises a de-mythologisation of ‘the John Syndrome’. The perception that Akufo Addo saved the nation in 2012 was his major weapon in piercing John Mahama’s incumbency. The demise of the NDC is likely to create an intra-party shift in favour of the party’s founder.