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41.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(3):438-452
This paper examines John Locke's political theory in order to see if it can offer any important insights into how to deal with international terrorism. The paper begins by outlining the central aspects of Locke's social contract theory and the way that Locke thinks that it is mirrored in international relations. A general definition of ‘state of nature’ and ‘legitimate common authority’ is offered that is then applied to both civil conflict and international terrorism. The situation that nation-states find themselves in with respect to international terrorist organisations is then analysed in terms of these concepts. The United Nations and the European Union are then examined in order to see if they fulfil the criteria of legitimate common authority necessary to deal with international terrorism in a just and unbiased manner. 相似文献
42.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
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Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
43.
Thomas Poole 《The Modern law review》2007,70(2):250-277
This article examines the constitutional scholarship of John Griffith. Centring on Griffith's seminal article 'The Political Constitution', the analysis reveals a more complex and pessimistic thinker than the standard image of Benthamite radical would allow. The article then examines the cogency of Griffith's vision – particularly his thesis that rights discourse 'corrupts' law and politics – against recent developments. It concludes by reflecting on Griffith's radical debunking style. 相似文献
44.
Christopher Foster 《The Modern law review》2004,67(5):753-771
This paper examines the main features of the cabinet system as it had emerged during the twentieth century, and which Jennings did so much to crystallize in his pioneering study on Cabinet Government. It then assesses the main changes that have occurred over successive administrations since the late 1970s, and concludes that even if cabinet government seemed to return in 1990 and 2003, it was without the cabinet system that had underpinned and made it effective in the past. 相似文献
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46.
In the large body of literature concerning John Rawls’s Political Liberalism (1993) and his conception of public reason, little attention has been paid to the implications that the constraints of public reason have for partisans, i.e. citizens who participate in politics through political parties. This paper argues that even on the basis of a ‘mild’ understanding of Rawls’s conception of the constraints of public reason, which takes into account the various stipulations Rawls provided throughout his later work, when applied to partisans the constraints of public reason lose none or little of their hindering force. This seriously undermines the contribution that parties and partisans can provide to the change and the varieties of public reason that Rawls himself advocates as a response to social change and, therefore, to political justification and legitimacy. Parties articulate, coordinate and enhance societal demands which, without their support, may remain unheard and fail to change the acceptable terms of public reason and political justification. If the political speech of partisans is restrained, this potential for change (and, therefore, its contribution to political legitimacy) is seriously undermined. 相似文献
47.
Christopher Mitchell 《Negotiation Journal》2013,29(2):213-224
Conflict resolution as an academic field was built by pioneers like John Burton on the idea that conflict resolution academics must accomplish three basic interlocking tasks: conduct cutting‐edge research, educate students, and make a positive contribution to the real‐world work of practitioners engaged in resolving actual conflicts. Over time and as the field has grown, so have the demands to produce research deemed rigorous enough according to increasingly competitive and rigid traditional standards and so too have the demands of teaching growing numbers of students. Research and teaching commitments thus diminish the time and support available to engage in practice. In this article, I consider those pressures within universities and also consider the options available to conflict resolution scholar–practitioners outside the traditional university 相似文献
48.
MICHAEL DUNNE 《The Political quarterly》2011,82(3):448-458
In 1961 the US Central Intelligence Agency master‐minded a sea‐borne invasion by Cuban exiles aimed at overthrowing the regime headed by Fidel Castro. With minimal logistical support from the USA the attempted counter‐coup launched at the Bay of Pigs was an unqualified disaster: a ‘perfect failure’, in the words of an authoritative contemporary. This essay locates the fiasco in the longer history of US–Cuban relations, concentrating on the Cold War years, the history of US political intervention and subversion in Latin America, and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista and the rise of Castro himself—both men offering different models of Latin American caudillismo (the power and cult of military strongmen). The essay concludes with an analysis of Cuba as an issue in US domestic politics and the impact of the Bay of Pigs in consolidating the Cuban revolution and setting the framework for the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962. 相似文献
49.
哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院在每一学年为研究生开设超过200门的课程,这些课程除强调基础理论方法、手段方面的政策与制度分析、公共组织的战略管理、政治主张及领导艺术外,还包括企业和政府政策、健康照料政策等12个专业领域的课程。肯尼迪政府学院硕士学位有MPA、MPP等多种类型,博士学位研究方向有公共政策、健康卫生政策、政治经济和政府、政府与社会政策等4个领域。 相似文献
50.
Jill Rutter 《The Political quarterly》2021,92(1):90-94
This article looks at Prime Ministers’ attempts to reform their operation in Number Ten and their relationship with the Cabinet Office in response to frustrations they encounter trying to drive their policy agenda from the centre. Prime Ministers have developed new institutions to bolster their meagre resources in Number Ten. There is particular focus on the experience of John Major in trying to push his Citizen's Charter. It notes how resistant departments were to many of the changes. Finally the article discusses recent changes in Boris Johnson's Number Ten that marked the brief tenure of Dominic Cummings and his clear centralising mission. 相似文献