台湾地区社区建设政策的制度变迁

上世纪90年代,台湾地区开始以"自下而上"的社区建设体制替代它实行了近30年的"自上而下"社区建设体制。它主要体现在:在制度设计方面引入了"社区导向",在制度执行方面重视"基层政府"和社区的作用,而在执行过程中引入了"自下而上申请专案"的机制。纵观台湾地区社区建设实践,可以看到:台湾地区社区建设自始至终贯穿着官方"改造社会战略"的意志;在"公民社会"未经建成基础上推动的社区建设体制所主张的"自下而上"模式不得不借由"自上而下"的行政干预方式推动,这为社区主义的扩展提供了空间,因而其社区建设政策转轨呈现出"柔性强制+示范诱致"的变迁特征。台湾地区推动社区主义虽然是深嵌于其特有的政治社会生态,但其主动推动的姿态以及培育和辅导民间组织的积极作为,尤其值得借鉴。     

陕甘宁边区对刑事被告人权利保护的立法略论

陕甘宁边区政府时期的立法，不仅注意保护一般人权，对于刑事被告人的宪法性权利、诉讼权利也给予较为全面的保障。这一系列立法规定，维护了边区司法的严肃和公正，表现了革命立法的人道主义，也代表了边区政府立法的民主和进步。     

谈环渤海区域经济发展中的软环境建设

环渤海区域经济发展软环境的好坏,决定着经济发展的速度和质量。环渤海区域各省、市应下力气抓好本区域经济发展的软环境建设,在区域经济竞争中创造凝聚力、形成吸引力、提高生产力,推动环渤海区域经济快速发展。     

Beyond elections: perceptions of democracy in four Arab countries

This article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a “demand for democracy” in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima facie support and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country.     

Studying a negative external actor: Russia's management of stability and instability in the ‘Near Abroad’

The literature on transition and democratization was for long dominated by internal explanatory factors such as economic performance, civil society, institutions, etc. Only recently have external actors' democratizing efforts – like those of the US and the EU – been systematically incorporated. But the perspective remains too constrained, since only ‘positive’ external actors are considered, while possible ‘negative’ actors are left aside. This article attempts to rectify some of the imbalance. First, an analytical framework that can be used to analyse both positive and negative external actors is proposed. Then, the framework is put into use through an analysis of the negative effects of Russia's foreign policy in the so-called ‘Near Abroad’. It is argued that two general effects take shape: the ‘policy of managed stability’ and the ‘policy of managed instability’. Both are weakening the democratic perspectives in the post-Soviet area, so I argue that Russia's foreign policy in the ‘Near Abroad’ is a, hitherto, underestimated and badly understood ‘negative’ factor in the literature on transition and democratization in the post-Soviet space.     

金融支持民族地区文化产业发展研究

在文化产业发展进程中,金融的资源配置功能具有极为重要的推动作用。因此,必须系统整合文化产业链,促进民族地区金融与文化创意产业的有效结合,保障文化产业顺利发展。     

Twenty years of Australia's engagement with Asia

Abstract

For the past two decades, ‘engagement with Asia’ has been a central theme in Australian public policy and public debate about Australia's place in the world. The commitment to Asian engagement has been shared by both sides of federal politics throughout this period; however, when in government the Labor Party (1983–96) and the Coalition (1996–2007) pursued radically different approaches to this common objective. This article contrasts and evaluates the differing approaches adopted by the Labor and Coalition governments, in the context of the domestic and regional debates and controversies that accompanied them. In particular, it seeks to explain why Australia is more engaged with Asia than ever before, in seeming defiance of the widespread criticism of the Coalition government's particular approach to Asian engagement.     

西部民族地区人口、资源与环境的可持续发展

我国西部民族地区战略地位重要,它的发展对整个国家的经济和社会发展有着举足轻重的作用。从2000年开始的西部大开发战略实施以来,整个西部地区发生了翻天覆地的变化,城市化进程加快,工业化迅速发展,生产总值在全国经济的占比越来越重。经济的发展带来日益严峻的环境问题,尤其是在西部民族地区,由于其特殊的自然地理条件和社会历史原因,环境问题的处理成为其在追赶经济的过程中不可忽视的一环。     

由孙中山的《实业计划》解读泛珠三角的区域合作——兼谈福建在泛珠三角区域合作中的作用

孙中山的<实业计划>一书有助于解读泛珠三角区域合作,泛珠三角区域合作的主要目的是优势互补、统一市场、资源整合,这也正是孙中山在<实业计划>中所蕴涵着区域经济思想.泛珠三角区通过区域合作可以形成良好的叠加效应,形成多赢格局,将发展成为我国新经济增长的重要一级.福建是泛珠三角合作中的重要省份,福建提出建设海峡西岸经济区,准确锁定了福建的发展目标和定位,在泛珠三角区域合作中求突破.同时建设海峡西岸经济区使福建在泛珠三角区域经济合作中的地位更加重要.     

陕甘宁边区民事审判模式之选择

调解成为陕甘宁边区民事审判权的主导性运作方式，这是陕甘宁边区民事审判的特色，并且这一特色在很长时期内保持了高度的稳定性。在我国，诉讼调解和判决是诉讼制度的重要组成部分，两者没有主辅之分，不可偏废。