论受教育权的国家保护义务

受教育权作为一种具体化的基本权利,对于公民来说意义重大。国家对受教育权的保护义务首先在于尽可能地采取行动以发展社会经济,使教育的发展同步于社会的发展和国家义务能力的发展,其次是立法机关、行政机关和司法机关对受教育权的具体保护,受教育权的立法保护与行政保护可以称作事前保护,司法保护则可以称作受教育权的事后保护。在延伸层面,国家的国际法意义上的保护义务与国内层面的保护一同构成受教育权保护的双重体系。     

美国有关人民币汇率立法的晚近动向与对策

2007年,美国参众两院针对人民币汇率提出了十几份法案,这些法案与此前的法案相比体现出不同的特征,其中的一个突出内容是把人民币汇率问题直接或间接地提交WTO解决.美国若根据GATT第15条第4款向WTO申诉,不仅有悖于国际经济秩序的安排和IMF与WTO的国际分工,而且我国的汇率安排也不构成对GATT目的实现之妨碍.美国若依据反补贴协定禁止性补贴的规定,把人民币汇率问题提交WTO,或径直由美国采取反补贴措施,则难以满足财政资助、利益给予和专向性等标准.美国这些举动胜算不大,但我国应对这些动态进行跟踪研究,做好准备.     

试论中国立法语言中法律主体缺失现象的翻译

汉英两种语言差异在立法文本中的体现是我们翻译时应该特别注意的。该文结合西方国家一些法学家对立法句子的观点,评述了目前中国法律英译文中一些条款的法律主体缺失现象,讨论了英语国家法律评论家普遍赞同的立法句子的施动性,有生性和主动性的特点,提出了译者在翻译立法句子的过程中要遵循突出法律行为的主体,而在某些情况下被动句能更好的传达立法目的。     

《刑法修正案(十一)》中竞合条款的理解与适用

随着刑事立法的日趋活跃,采“分则立法模式”的竞合条款日益呈现“立法肥大症”,可考虑将竞合条款(尤其是想象竞合从一重处断条款)进行总则化改造。就新增竞合条款的理解与适用而言,作为想象竞合表征的从一重处断条款,其适用关键是“一行为”与“数法益”的判断;新修正的我国《刑法》第229条第2款,标志着立法者对牵连犯现象的进一步肯认,其适用以客观上存在牵连关系、主观上具备牵连意图为限;新增的数罪并罚条款(第280条之二第3款),则存在修正程序与实体内容两方面的瑕疵,应将其视为想象竞合数罪并罚的“拟制规定”加以适用。     

论个人信息保护限制的立法范式与体系逻辑——以应对突发疫情事件为例

对个人信息保护进行适当限制是平衡个人权益与公共利益的必然选择。基于特定的紧急背景在公法中设定个人信息保护限制,虽有助于集中力量驱逐疫情,但往往忽视对作为私权客体性的个人信息对象考察,容易侵犯个人信息法益。当前我国民法典对个人信息保护的限制规定虽符合疫情防控下个人信息保护限制的紧急需求,但缺失对权利限制的一般条款以及合理实施的进一步解释,亟待更精细的规范进行界定。这表明应对重大疫情防控时,我国立法在个人信息保护的合理限制问题时出现了制度缺位。原因在于,无论是公法还是私法都无法独自处理好疫情防控下的个人信息保护限制问题。公、私法二元性质个人信息保护立法框架契合数据治理理论的内在属性,也是风险社会中公私法协力的必然要求。重大疫情背景并不决定个人信息保护限制的二元范式,这是由个人信息的属性本身所决定的。公法和私法分别规定个人信息保护限制规则均具有部分正当性来源,但从法律的实现效果以及比较立法趋势来看,将个人信息保护限制置于一部公私复合的个人信息保护法之中更符合时代发展。文章最后在该立法范式引导下,反思了当前个人信息保护限制立法体系逻辑,并提出了个人信息保护限制立法完善的建议。     

行政法总则中基本原则体系的立法构建

行政法基本原则是行政法规范的基础性原理、准则和基本精神,具有立法上的整合统领、执法上的行为准则和司法上的可适用性功能,是“行政法总则”不可或缺的灵魂条款。从体系化构建上看,对于基本原则的具体内容,需要采取学理和规范分析的方法,以能够反映行政法的根本价值和特殊规律为标准,从众多的行政法规范、司法裁判、政策性文件以及各种学说学理中加以提取,并对域外立法例予以分析借鉴。据此,可以将行政法基本原则分为权益保障、行政法定、行政均衡、行政正当和行政效能五大类共十二项具体的子原则。在立法技术上,对基本原则条款的设置,应当坚持罗列式及分层式表达的方式,以全面而精准地表达出各项原则的具体内容及其效力层次。     

Cooperation between counterparts in parliament from an agenda-setting perspective: legislative coalitions as a trade of criticism and policy

Governments may bargain with parties in parliament to silence them. This insight follows from the agenda-setting literature, which emphasises the power of the opposition to criticise the government. The literature on legislatures points to the fear of loss of future voter support as a motivation for majority building. However, it does not name factors that can cause such uncertainty. One such factor is opposition criticism. This article argues that majority building does not only involve an exchange of policy support; governments use legislative coalitions to dampen unwanted opposition blame. By offering the opposition noteworthy policy influence in legislative coalitions, governments avoid opposition criticism in return, in addition to having initiatives passed. In order to test this argument, a large dataset is compiled on opposition criticism in parliament and the media before and after the 325 bargained legislative agreements settled in Denmark from 1973 to 2003. It is found that such agreements are more likely amidst opposition criticism and that they dampen opposition criticism.     

Indexing watchdog accountability powers a framework for assessing the accountability capacity of independent oversight institutions

Independent oversight institutions are critical components of the accountability landscape in modern democracies. This paper presents a framework for assessing the accountability powers of these watchdogs. This watchdog accountability index is an empirical tool to assess the key accountability powers of accountability forums that operate in a democratic constitutional context. The aim is to provide a richer evidence base to assess evolving external accountability arrangements and their effectiveness. Our approach breaks down the concept of watchdog accountability power into three distinct, conceptually coherent dimensions. We apply the accountability index to assess the strength of one of the main watchdog institutions in the EU, the European Court of Auditors in 2017. Data were collected by means of a study of secondary sources and by an expert survey.     

“What have you done for me lately?” Re-thinking local representation

Scholars have studied the influence that constituents exert on elected representatives’ action in national parliaments at length. Still, academic pundits have usually confined local representation to distributive policies and casework, and limited local legislators’ focus to a territorial perspective. In this study, I try and propose a more nuanced theory of local representation, and I use automated text analysis to capture elected representatives’ propensity to serve functional as well as territorial interests. In an effort to provide empirical backing to my theoretical argumentation, I present an analysis of Italian legislators’ behavior which shows that deputies are willing to divert public spending to their district but also to favor the interests of specific economic sectors. Scholars have already acknowledged the multidimensional character of political representation at the national level, my analysis offers theoretical justification and empirical evidence to support doing so at the local level as well.     

论我国行政复议改革的逻辑起点和现实路径

当前,我国行政纠纷进入高发期,完善作为解决行政纠纷之主渠道的行政复议,已经引起行政法学界和实务界的普遍关注。然而,囿于对行政复议的性质和功能难以形成共识,改革的争论往往局限在具体的技术层面。应当看到,行政复议作为一种纠纷裁判活动,本质上就是司法行为。行政复议的第一要务是裁决行政争议。立足于以上两个认识来看待我国正在推行的行政复议委员会试点,不得不承认仍要从规范层面解决改革的合法性基础问题。相应的,修订行政复议法无疑是行政复议制度变革的迫切课题和现实道路。