论偷税罪量化立法模式的严重缺陷及其完善

我国刑法第 2 0 1条对偷税罪的规定采用了“比例十数额型”的量化立法模式。这种立法模式存在严重缺陷。要填补这一立法空白 ,改善偷税罪量化立法模式的严重缺陷 ,唯一的办法就是完全抛弃这种“比例十数额型”的量化立法模式 ,并统一纳税人与扣缴义务人的定罪量刑标准。只有这样 ,才足以避免这一量化立法模式存在的严重缺陷。     

论我国立法权限划分

立法权限划分直接关系到国家法制体系的统一、中央与地方、地方与地方之间关系的处理以及法治建设的成败。目前我国立法冲突、立法矛盾的不断升级暴露出我国立法权限划分存在的缺陷,因此,我们必须在坚持立法权限划分基本原则的基础上,不断探寻符合我国国情的划分方式,并且在实际中不断加以完善立法权限划分。     

我国刑事非法证据排除规则的立法设想

建立与完善我国的非法证据排除规则,立法时应详细规定各种情况下取得的非法证据的效力,通过立法确定切实可行的非法证据排除程序;设立对非法取证人员的惩戒制度,有效减少防止非法取证行为的发生。     

关于刑讯逼供屡禁不止的法律思考——兼论确立沉默权,完善刑诉制度

没有规定无罪推定原则、没有确立沉默权、没有对逼取的口供作出排除性规定,这是导致我国刑讯逼供屡禁不止的法律根源。笔者认为,应及早从程序立法上构建起根治刑讯逼供的治本机制。为此建议:修改刊诉法第12条,明确规定无罪推定的刑事诉讼原则;把“坦白从宽,抗拒从严”政策法律化;修改刑诉法第93条,确立沉默权;在刑诉法第43条中增加一款,对逼取的口供及据此查获的间接证据作出不能作为定案根据的排除性规定。     

Watchdogs as Satellites of Parliament

Australian legislation indicates a special relationship between Parliament and independent watchdogs such as the Auditor General and Ombudsman. These statutory provisions are reviewed and a new model conceptualizing watchdogs as satellites of Parliament is presented and assessed in the context of the debate about where these watchdogs fit in our system of government. The model assists consideration of the interdependence of Parliaments and watchdogs and tensions in the relationship. It is identified that giving primacy to the relationship with Parliament mitigates some risks and creates others, and that it provides a democratic legitimacy to the watchdogs. The article concludes that there can be benefits to the community where primacy of the role of Parliament is embedded in legislation.     

Hidden corporate profits in the U.S. prison system: the unorthodox policy-making of the American Legislative Exchange Council

Using a leaked document trove containing 800 model bills, we analyze the American Legislative Exchange Council’s (ALEC) hidden corporate profit making in the prison–industrial complex. We find that ALEC seeks to expand the private prison industry in three ways: (1) promoting greater use of private prisons, goods, and services, (2) promoting greater use of prison labor, and (3) increasing the size of the prison population. ALEC’s efforts to increase the prison population by expanding definitions of existing crime, creating new crimes, enhancing enforcement of existing crimes, amending the trial process to increase the likelihood of incarceration, and lengthening prison sentences for crimes pose a threat to civil liberties. ALEC’s unorthodox policy approach exemplifies John Gaventa’s theory that powerful interests maintain their power by creating conditions in which citizens are not able to identify and advocate on behalf of their interests.     

地方补充性立法与行政处罚设定权的配置

新修改的我国《行政处罚法》第12条第3款首次明确肯定了地方补充性立法的法律地位,标志着国家立法机关对待行政处罚领域地方补充性立法态度的正式转变。我国《行政处罚法》的这一规定,在规范层面完善了行政处罚领域中央立法与地方立法关系的结构;在功能层面扩大了地方立法权限,提升了国家治理能力。在肯定其积极意义的同时,也应当认真对待地方补充性立法所面临的合法性困境。这一困境在诸多现实情形中有着鲜明体现,需要进行细致梳理和分析。“领域说”“事项说”“行为说”试图廓清“作出行政处罚规定”的规范含义,进而纾解这一困境,但由于它们都持有形式化的标准,只能在一定程度上起到明确地方立法权限的作用,实际效果有限。明确地方补充性立法的权力边界,应当构建一种形式标准和实质标准相统一的合法性判断标准。     

民法强行性规范研究

为推介中国人民大学法学院博士培养成果,搭建论文品评乃至学术评价之平台,《法学家》自本期起专辟"博文精萃"一栏。该栏目由两部分组成:其一是"论文要旨",由博文作者对其博文进行全面系统而重点突出的介绍,一般宜包括如下要素:博文的体系架构;博文每章节的主要内容;博文的主要特点;博文的主要创新和不足;博文所研究领域的课题展望。其二是"论文评议",可以是答辩委员会的论文审查意见,或者评审专家的点评,具体宜包括如下要素:对论文的总体评价;对论文的体系及各章节的评价;对论文创新的评价;指出论文的不足以及进一步完善的方向。敬请关注并提出宝贵建议。     

从“人肉搜索”看网络言论自由的合理限制

言论自由是公民的基本权利,“人肉搜索”行为在网络中的双重角色扮演体现了宪法对言论自由的保护与限制。现实中话语权的缺失和对网络言论自由限制的缺位是导致“人肉搜索”被滥用的深层次原因。在相对保障模式下,借鉴国外的相关立法经验,认为规制“人肉搜索”滥用的关键在于完善合理限制网络言论自由的立法。     

Legislative strength and democratic satisfaction in presidential democracies

The gap between electoral winners and losers in democratic satisfaction has been well documented in the literature. Scholars further argue that in consensual systems, where the institutional design involves more power sharing, the winner-loser gap is smaller than in majoritarian systems. However, how the powers of legislatures, the primary national-level agency to impose restraints on the executive, affect the winner-loser gap has not been thoroughly studied. Utilizing data of 29 countries in the world over ten years, this paper verifies that in presidential democracies, when legislatures have more oversight power, the winner-loser gap in satisfaction tends to be reduced. The relationships are particularly evident when opposition parties have distinct policy platforms, as these oppositions are better able to utilize the legislative arena to voice their positions. Furthermore, the effect of legislative strength on losers’ consent is more pronounced among voters who are more interested in politics.