军事赔偿制度的立法模式选择

军事机关或军事机关工作人员在履行职责的过程中不可避免地会造成他人人身、财产损害,而现行法律框架内却没有军事赔偿方面的法律法规,由此,军事赔偿问题在现实生活当中处在了非常尴尬的境地。要解决军事赔偿问题,首先必须从其立法模式上找到突破口,具体而言有三种模式可资参考:对《国家赔偿法》加以改造,增加军事赔偿制度;在《侵权责任法中》加入有关军事赔偿的规定;制定专门的《军事赔偿法》。相比较而言,制定专门的《军事赔偿法》,立法效果最佳。     

Who is ready to climb the hill? The effect of legislative activity on promotion to higher offices in Chile

Previous research suggests that bill initiation is a mechanism used by legislators to foster personal votes. This article puts forward a theory whereby legislative activity is understood as a form of party service. Bill initiation records are used by parties to inform their decisions on who is ready to be promoted. The theory is evaluated using an original data-set from the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. Our empirical findings make a strong case for the hypothesis according to which parties reward those deputies who have shown to be effective legislators.     

Legislative voting in the pork-dominant parliament: evidence from the Philippine House of Representatives

In this paper I investigate how legislators behave in extremely pork-oriented, or pork-dominant, systems where virtually no party-line voting takes place and politicians strive to deliver individual/local benefits instead of national public policies. I argue that, in the pork-dominant context, most legislators vote with the president, who controls access to the pork pipeline, irrespective of their party affiliations. Thus, the president’s party legislators should have little incentive to vote against the president, regardless of voter demands for pork or policy; however, sometimes opposition-party legislators elected particularly from more-developed districts (where voters often desire policy over pork) should have strong incentives to vote against the president. These arguments are supported with quantitative studies of the post-authoritarian Philippine House of Representatives. It is found that, in the highly homogeneous legislature dominated by pork-seeking politicians, (1) most bills are passed with unanimous or near-unanimous consent, (2) governing-party legislators almost always vote with the majority of the members of the parliament, regardless of voters’ socio-economic conditions, and (3) opposition-party legislators, especially in more-developed areas, tend to vote against the parliamentary majority. These findings indicate that voters’ high socio-economic status promotes programmatic accountability, leading their representatives to undermine voting unity within the extremely cohesive pork-dominant legislature.     

商标淡化理论与立法探析

作为一种立场选择,立法者将驰名商标淡化纳入商标侵权行为之列,而将其他商标(包括著名商标)淡化排斥在外,其理念基础是驰名商标内含有较为丰富的价值。判定驰名商标淡化既不需要考虑淡化行为人的主观过错,也不需要考察驰名商标是否存在被淡化的可能性,而只需考察驰名商标是否被“另类使用”。我国商标淡化立法需要在商标淡化的性质评判、法律后果以及特殊情形等方面予以完善。     

全国人大与其常委会的立法权限关系研究

在我国 ,全国人大及其常委会行使国家立法权。 2 0多年来 ,全国人大常委会所制定的法律远远多于全国人大 ,且呈递增趋势。然而 ,全国人大常委会立法的正当性受到怀疑。问题在于对全国人大常委会立法监督机制的缺失和立法权力结构与现实需要的矛盾 ,为实现保证立法权力的统一和民意基础 ,需要进行配套制度的改革     

中国金融控股公司立法体例选择的探讨

本文简要分析了有关国家和地区金融控股公司的立法体例 ,认为发达国家的公司组织及金融业的发展都进入了较为成熟的阶段 ,一般是从放松金融管制和规范金融业一体化服务的角度允许设立金融控股公司 ,没有必要再从企业组织法的角度对其进行规范。而中国公司的规范化发展及金融业发展的时间都较短 ,金融业的市场化程度较低 ,特别是金融业中的国有商业银行所占比重太大 ,需要进行以组建金融控股公司为目标的股份制改造 ,加之目前在缺乏立法规范的情况下组建的金融控股公司在运行中产生的诸多问题需要解决 ,有必要以《金融控股公司法》这种专门立法的方式规范金融控股公司的组建与运行 ,并论证了支持该观点的理由     

法官阐明立法规定之历史沿革及启示--以德国、美国为中心的考察

法官阐明作为市场经济条件下民事诉讼的重要法律制度有其产生、发展和变化的过程。本文对以德、美为代表的世界两大法系主要国家有关法官阐明立法规定之历史沿革作了回顾性的论述 ,尤其把法官阐明理论引向普通法系国家找出与之对应的规定是富有价值的 ,改变了过去一些人关于法官阐明理论和实践仅仅属于大陆法系国家独有现象的传统认识。并在此基础上 ,分析提出了法官阐明基本内涵、理论基础及其变化等 ,启示并建议我们在构建这项制度时 ,应以当事人自主和法官职权之间的关系为核心 ,既要借鉴其基本内涵 ,又不必拘泥于它的原来模样 ,使其符合中国国情。     

设区的市地方立法权运行现状之考察

为加强地方法治建设，《立法法》赋予了设区的市地方立法权，并对其立法提出了相应要求。然而，现实运行中，设区的市地方立法存在着追求数量、抄袭同位法、超越立法权限范围并有侵害法治统一的情形。为此，需要对设区的市地方立法事项范围做出明确解释和限定，加强省级人大的批准程序和国家权力机关的备案审查力度，并建立定期评估制度。同时，设区的市也要在坚持立法节约原则的前提下，通过委托第三方起草立法文本、实施有效的公众参与立法等方式，真正提高立法质量。     

Parliamentary oversight and corruption in the Caribbean: comparing Trinidad & Tobago and Grenada

Parliamentary oversight is a key determinant of corruption levels. This article presents research findings on parliamentary oversight in two Caribbean countries: Trinidad & Tobago and Grenada. Our results cast doubt on the results of previous research and also indicate that certain facets of ‘the Westminster’ system need to be relaxed, to reflect contextual reality in smaller island economies. Political will to adopt our recommended reforms is critical, but, as in other countries, inertia often dominates the political environment. Until citizens demand that their elected representatives establish various oversight and anti-corruption mechanisms and ensure these mechanisms are free of political influence, the institutions will be ‘window dressing’ and corrupt actions will go undeterred and unpunished.