编译局《共产党宣言》汉译本考

在《共产党宣言》的多种汉译本中,中共中央编译局译本是目前在中国大陆广为流行的通译本。关于编译局译本,应该澄清两个问题：其一,它最初是在1964年出版的,1958年译本不是编译局译本,而是唯真译校本;其二,它的母本并非俄文本,而是德文本;实际上,在《宣言》的汉译史上,根本不存在母本或主要母本是俄文本的任何译本。历史地看,现行人民出版社《宣言》单行本版权页上标示的＂1997年8月第3版＂存在模糊之处,有说明甚或更改的必要。     

从“外力拉动”到“双轮驱动”——转型期中国农业农村发展的战略调整与制度创新

“以城带乡、以工促农”的统筹城乡发展战略虽然较大程度地改变了“城乡二元结构”,却仍然是建立在城市中心主义之上的,它客观上固化了农村的边缘地位。在城市大幅扩张、农村劳动力大量转移、城市出现“消化不良”症状的背景下,统筹城乡发展需要在继续保持外力拉动的基础上着力激活农村内在动力,消除“村际阻隔”和“产权缺陷”,通过促进农村内部产权自由流转、建立农地农房储备制度等途径,着力构建大农村内部市场和弹性城市化机制,实现统筹城乡“外力拉动”和“内源发展”并行的“双轮驱动”。这种战略调整和制度安排既可以改变农村资源资本化不足带来的发展动力不够的现状,又可以避免农村土地私有化带来的巨大社会风险。     

中国与日本“中途之家”比较研究

社区矫正不仅是刑罚制度文明和进步的表现,同时也是世界刑罚制度改革的基本趋势。作为社区矫正的基本模式之一的中途之家,在社区矫正机制建立与完善中发挥着重要作用。中途之家的建立与完善是中国社区矫正制度发展的重要内容。在日本,这类机构被统称为社区更生保护设施,已有120年的历史。比较两国中途之家的历史沿革、管理理念、管理机制及运作,发展中存在的主要问题等,对借鉴他国经验,吸取他国教训,完善年轻的中国社区矫正和中途之家制度具有重要的价值。     

A bouncy house? UK select committee newsworthiness, 2005–18

ABSTRACT

Traditionally, legislative committees have been regarded as quite unimportant in the UK. Some scholars contend that recent reforms have substantially increased the powers of select committees, rendering them genuinely important to policy and the scrutiny of government; others see little sign of change. We examine House of Commons select committees in regard to exactly one indicator of significance, their newspaper coverage. We detect significant gains in salience of some committees, as compared to the period just before the Wright reforms (2005–10). But committees vary dramatically in coverage levels and trends, and it is unclear if their newspaper profiles continue to grow.     

Sleaze, Old Corruption and Parliamentary Reform: An Historical Perspective on the Current Crisis

There is nothing new about the existence of a political class, nor about the electorate's distaste for paid politicians. In the middle ages, voters made clear their preference for representatives who were prepared to serve without payment; in the eighteenth century, the increase in the number of MPs paid by the state, whether in salaried posts or as sinecurists, was seen as a corrupt and pernicious extension to the influence of the crown; in the nineteenth and early twentieth century the payment of MPs by the taxpayer was widely regarded as an improper and offensive idea. The current furore over MPs' pay and expenses is another example of the intense suspicion with which MPs who have received money from the state have been regarded from the seventeenth to the twentieth century.     

Political Marketing Management of Parliament Under the Presidential Government System: A Lesson Learned from the Indonesia House of Representative Post–New Order Soeharto

Modern political marketing management of parties, government, and parliament have gradually taken place within and across democratic countries ruled under either the parliamentary government or presidential government systems. Little attention, however, has been directed to the extent to which modern political marketing management of parliament has taken place within countries run under the presidential system of government, especially Indonesia. As led by hypothetical-inductive approach, this work has been specifically directed to explore (1) the dynamic exchanges and interactions; (2) the nature and structure of political market arenas; (3) types of political products; and (4) models of political marketing management of the Indonesian parliament/the Indonesian House of Representatives. This work explores the extent to which institutional marketing management strategies have been advanced by the Indonesian Parliament/the Indonesian House of Representatives since Post–New Order Soeharto up to the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) government era (2004 to 2014).     

康租房供给摸式再造——基于合同外包与凭单制的契合

当前廉租房供给不足问题凸显，政府无力建设充足的廉租房提供给城市低收入住房困难家庭，根源在于廉租房供给中政府角色错位，扮演了直接生产者的角色。应契合合同外包与凭单制两种市场化工具，由政府通过竞争性投标引入若干房地产商进行廉租房建设，而后由城市低收入住房困难家庭使用政府发放的凭单自由选择任一承包商建设的廉租房，从而实现资金有限条件下廉租房建设成本的优化，获取效用最大化，再造廉租房的供给模式。     

A Proposal for Simultaneous Reform of the House of Commons and House of Lords

The disproportional electoral system of the House of Commons is increasingly contested, while the undemocratic composition of the House of Lords has been criticised for a century. I first argue that simultaneous reform of both chambers creates the opportunity for far more optimal outcomes than possible under attempts to reform just one chamber. I then argue that bicameralism should continue so that the UK can be represented in two, currently convoluted, ways: as a singular polity in partisan terms and as both an aggregate of constituencies and union of nations, in geographic terms. The former would best take place in a reformed House of Commons, responsible for government formation, and composed of around 300 MPs elected by ‘pure’ proportional representation. The latter would best take place in a reformed House of Lords of around 300 peers, elected by plurality voting from single-member constituencies. Together, these reforms would improve governance, representation, legitimacy, accountability and the robustness of the union, while retaining celebrated facets of the status quo such as simplicity and the direct constituency link.     

The architecture of the Electoral College,the House size effect,and the referendum paradox

Using data from U.S. presidential elections, we show how seemingly insignificant changes to what we call the “architecture” of the Electoral College can cause different candidates to be elected President, even when no one changes how they vote. We consider varying the size of the House of Representatives, the method of apportionment, the number of “Senate” electoral votes cast by each state, and the lower bound on the number of “House” electoral votes cast by each state. We consider, in particular, elections with a “referendum paradox”. In these elections, the electoral vote winner is not the popular vote winner. Our work extends Neubauer and Zeitlin (2003) who analyzed the case of the 2000 election. We give an explanation for the effects that we observe in the data.     

'Talking in Fictions': Jennings on Parliament

Sir Ivor Jennings made many ground-breaking contributions to the study of Parliament. Among them are two books written in the 1930s, while Jennings was at the peak of his powers: Parliamentary Reform in 1934, ¹ and Parliament in 1939. ² This essay offers an assessment of Jennings' scholarship on Parliament. It commences with some observations on his method, and this is followed by an outline of the argument in Parliament and an appraisal of the book's originality and ongoing significance. The essay closes with some brief remarks concerning Jennings' Parliamentary Reform .