首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   4854篇
  免费   136篇
各国政治   209篇
工人农民   155篇
世界政治   147篇
外交国际关系   176篇
法律   998篇
中国共产党   413篇
中国政治   642篇
政治理论   530篇
综合类   1720篇
  2024年   4篇
  2023年   26篇
  2022年   35篇
  2021年   79篇
  2020年   145篇
  2019年   75篇
  2018年   91篇
  2017年   101篇
  2016年   93篇
  2015年   95篇
  2014年   228篇
  2013年   464篇
  2012年   283篇
  2011年   255篇
  2010年   266篇
  2009年   290篇
  2008年   338篇
  2007年   342篇
  2006年   311篇
  2005年   294篇
  2004年   307篇
  2003年   326篇
  2002年   227篇
  2001年   203篇
  2000年   72篇
  1999年   17篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   2篇
  1995年   1篇
  1994年   1篇
  1992年   5篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   4篇
  1987年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
排序方式: 共有4990条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
131.
马克思主义与时俱进的理论品质,源于马克思和恩格斯所具有的与时俱进的理论研究品质.他们在理论研究过程中,始终坚持刻苦钻研,不懈追求,致力于攀登科学高峰;始终坚持精心研究,严谨治学,力求思想不断深化完善;并且能够做到审时度势,勇于更新,及时调整革命战略方针;做到与时俱进,随时关注新情况,不断提出新创见.这种与时俱进的理论研究品质,为我们在现时期研究和解决社会主义建设中的新情况新问题,更好地坚持和发展马克思主义,更好对推进中国特色社会主义事业的发展,提供了良好的榜样.  相似文献   
132.
赋值是智能政治学的重要研究课题,赋值研究是智能政治学的重要分析方法.人工智能赋值国家治理,从分析视角来看,表现为人工智能科学、人工智能技术、人工智能形态和人工智能体对国家治理的多重赋值和多源性影响作用.从分析维度来讲,表现为人工智能从赋益、赋义、赋能、赋权、赋则和赋责等多维度影响作用或赋值国家治理,甚至推动国家治理从"...  相似文献   
133.
构建中国特色网络意识形态话语体系是时代发展的必然要求。中国特色网络意识形态话语体系是一个内涵极为丰富的新样态、新概念、新范畴、新范式,理应成为一个严谨的学科概念、学术概念。中国特色社会主义是中国特色网络意识形态话语体系的核心要义、本质特征、独特标志、主要内容。中国特色网络意识形态话语体系本质上就是中国特色社会主义的话语表达体系、思想阐释体系、价值引领体系,具有鲜明的价值观表达、阐释、整合、传承价值。  相似文献   
134.
Mainstream economics conceptualizes wages as determined by market forces and reflecting productivity and investments in human capital made by individuals. These views, which have become taken-for-granted explanations of what wages are, hide the underlying dynamics of the gender pay gap and place responsibility on individuals instead of gendered social structures. This article proposes viewing gender pay inequity through a sociological lens, which implies acknowledging the complex societal dynamics and roles of institutions and actors in shaping wages. The Nordic welfare states are often considered women-friendly, providing female citizens with social policies and services that have enabled their extensive participation in paid employment. Simultaneously, the Finnish welfare state has relied heavily on inexpensive labour provided by women, thus actively contributing to the formation of a secondary female-dominated labour market. The secondary status of reproductive work conducted within the public sector has been further strengthened and institutionalized by the Finnish corporatist system via collective agreements. In policy-making, the central actors defend their vested interests through non-decision-making, limiting the scope of decision-making to non-threatening issues. This article discusses the dynamics of the Finnish corporatist regime, welfare-state employment, and the impact of both on gender pay equity in Finnish society.  相似文献   
135.
We argue that certain important democratic practices and elements of pluralism are lasting features of political systems in many poor countries. Because of state weakness, such arrangements work to the benefit of both elites and citizens. The broader citizenry and civil society enjoy significant political freedoms and greater access to foreign aid. Elites tolerate these limited civil liberties and regular elections because they produce few costly consequences due to state incapacity. We evaluate this theory of ‘uneven pluralism’ in poor countries using evidence from a paired comparison of Mali and Kyrgyzstan. These two countries have experienced significant political turbulence, but on balance have shown a persistent and robust commitment to a free press, transparent elections, and respect for freedom of association. Our theory suggests that uneven pluralism is likely to continue in countries like Mali and Kyrgyzstan, even as significant limits on judicial independence, persistent corruption, and lack of government transparency make democratic consolidation unlikely.  相似文献   
136.
There is considerable controversy about the allocation of Low-Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC). Some charge that credits are disproportionately allocated to developments in poor, minority neighborhoods without additional investments and thereby reinforcing patterns of poverty concentration and racial segregation. We examine whether Qualified Allocation Plans, which outline the selection criteria states use when awarding credits, can serve as an effective tool for directing credits to higher opportunity neighborhoods (or neighborhoods that offer a rich set of resources, such as high-performing schools and access to jobs) for states wishing to do so. To answer this question, we study changes in the location criteria outlined in allocation plans for 20 different states across the country between 2002 and 2010, and observe the degree to which those modifications are associated with changes in the poverty rates and racial composition of the neighborhoods where developments awarded tax credits are located. We find evidence that changes to allocation plans that prioritize higher opportunity neighborhoods are associated with increases in the share of credits allocated to housing units in lower poverty neighborhoods and reductions in the share allocated to those in predominantly minority neighborhoods. This analysis provides the first source of empirical evidence that state allocation plans can shape LIHTC siting patterns.  相似文献   
137.
Five years after people took to the streets in protest at political organisation across the Middle East, the consequences of these actions remain. As the protests gained traction, states began to fragment and regimes sought to retain power, whatever the cost. While a great deal of focus has been upon what happened, very little attention has been paid to the role of agency within the context of the fragmenting sovereignty and political change. This article contributes to these debates by applying the work of Giorgio Agamben to the post-Arab Uprisings Middle East, to understand the relationship between rulers and ruled along with the fragmentation of the sovereign state. The article argues for the need to bring agency back into conceptual debates about sovereignty within the Middle East. It concludes by presenting a framework that offers an approach building upon Agamben’s bare life.  相似文献   
138.
This paper engages with non-Western, specifically African, scholarship and insight with the goal of highlighting the importance of African contributions to IR theorising. We highlight the Western dominance in IR theorising and examine the inadequacy of the major analytical constructs provided by established IR theory in capturing and explaining shifting reality in Africa. We argue that African insights, experience and ideas present a challenge to dominant IR constructs and knowledge within the international system, and that these insights, when taken seriously, would enrich our understanding of IR. We show this by problematising some central (often taken-for-granted) IR concepts such as the state, liberalism and individualism and underscore the need to reconstruct more encompassing ‘stories’ and images to innovate, revise and potentially replace some of the conventional ‘stories’ that have been told in IR.  相似文献   
139.
ABSTRACT

The article highlights the rationale of the special issue in terms of its objectives and guiding principles. It maps different evolutions and challenges within three analytical streams (1) regarding the field of policy analysis, (2) concerning the interaction between domestic and international affairs, and (3) with regards to the transformation of European Union governance in troubled times. These three research avenues highlight how not only European governance itself has evolved in a changing world, but also how the analysis of interests, institutions, and policy-making has morphed, oftentimes transgressing disciplinary and methodological boundaries.  相似文献   
140.
State sponsorship of terrorism, where a government deliberately provides resources and material support to a terrorist organization, is common in the international system. Sponsorship can provide significant strategic and political benefits for a state, but there are inherent international and domestic risks associated with delegating foreign policy to these actors. Using principal–agent analysis, I develop a model that evaluates the impact of potential costs and benefits on a state’s decision to sponsor terrorism. I test my model by using a novel dataset on sponsorship behaviors that ranges from 1970 to 2008. The results of my analysis support the validity of the principal–agent model in explaining sponsorship, as states will be more likely to engage in sponsorship when the strategic benefits of weakening the targeted state are high and the risks of international reputation loss and domestic dissatisfaction are low.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号