美国印第安学校中学女生的未来——基于"可能自我"的个案研究

本质化研究以美国中学的四位印第安女生为个案,重点阐释了她们的中学课堂受教经历对其今后成长的影响。本文采用可能自我理论,对访谈资料进行了审视和分析,所涉主题包括学校问题、教师、关系的重要性及未来计划这样四大方面。结果表明,可能自我理论有助于人们理解这些中学女生是怎样看待她们自己和筹划她们未来的,同时也为解决和预防中学生的辍学问题,提供了一种可能的路径。     

论当代的神权政治——伊斯兰原教旨主义

欧洲中世纪确立了以基督教为主体的神权政治思想,伴随着西欧封建社会的瓦解,神权政治体系随之解体。伊斯兰教在自身发展史上也曾确立了神权政治思想,随着20世纪70年代以来伊斯兰原教旨主义运动在世界各地的勃然兴起,神权政治再次引起广泛关注。伊斯兰原教旨主义的兴起应得益于其本身所独有的复古机制,伊斯兰教本身所持有的教条使其产生带有某种必然性,同时,宗教政治化、政治宗教化的传统为伊斯兰原教旨主义提供了政治合法性的根基。     

四大基本问题与中国化马克思主义理论体系

问题是时代的格言,时代课题突显了时代的历史方位、突出矛盾和时代痼疾。马克思主义中国化的历程就是不断解决中国时代课题的历程,中国化马克思主义理论体系作为马克思主义中国化的理论结晶正是在不断定位每个时代的历史方位,解决时代突出矛盾,破解时代痼疾的实践中形成和发展起来的,它围绕着中国革命、建设和改革的时代课题,不断探索和解答了"什么是马克思主义、怎样对待马克思主义","什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义","建设什么样的党、怎样建设党","实现什么样的发展,怎样发展"这四大基本问题,形成了贯穿中国革命、建设和改革的一条问题主线。     

对2009年网络热点事件的传播学解读

网络热点事件是指经由网络媒体发布信息、形成相应舆论进而成为众所关注的热点事件。2009年为数不少的网络热点事件体现了一系列传播学特征：传播迅速,相应的网络语汇得以广泛流播;参与群体明显扩展;大致都有自己的传播规律;折射出受众心理的新的内涵;信息传播的准确性、可靠性不易辨别和确认。这些网络热点事件在传播模式、传播控制、传播效果等层面对既有传播学理论提出了挑战：对既有的传播模式理论有所超越;对“把关人”理论有所突破;对“议程设置”理论有所拓展。     

特赦问题研究

赦免,一个古老而又常新的话题。盛世时赦少,乱世赦多也是历史所证明的。赦多则宽暴徒、伤良民,使国家法令废弛,更有鼓励犯罪之嫌。当今社会,赦免是许多国家弥补法律僵化的重要手段,然而赦免对于法治的违背使人们对赦免的合理性产生怀疑,而且赦免存在滥用政治目的的可能。目前,我国关于特赦的立法并不成熟;社会的后续接受能力也有限;老百姓对特赦所产生的危机感更是难以消除。因而在目前情况下不宜进行特赦。     

“满铁”对华经济掠夺问题新探

南满洲铁道株式会社对中国的经济掠夺,是以股份公司的形式作为伪装,执行日本帝国主义侵略掠夺中国的对外政策。＂满铁＂依靠特权建立起一个超乎中国主权和法律之上的＂满铁王国＂,构成了日本国家资本为主导,日本产业托拉斯和中小私人资本为辅助的经济体系。＂满铁＂通过这套经济体系,利用显性和隐性两种方式对我国进行经济掠夺、政治扩张、文化渗透,对中国的经济结构和民族工业造成了异常严重的破坏。     

抗战期间东南亚华侨的救国活动及彰显的民族精神

抗日战争是中华民族近代史上抗击侵略者的民族解放战争,抗战爆发后中日之间由于国力的差距,中国抗战面临着严重困难,而当时的欧美列强又为了自身利益大多袖手旁观,使得中国面临着严峻的国内外形势。而东南亚华侨在民族危亡的关键时刻,挺身而出,为支援祖国抗战掀起了波澜壮阔的抗日救国运动,华侨在经济方面捐款捐物、认购公债,抵制日货,为祖国抗战提供了巨大帮助。而更为人称颂的是不少华侨回国参加抗战,将青春与热血献给了祖国的抗战事业。     

中韩农业贸易中的政治性贸易保护问题研究

在中日韩三国自由贸易区谈判即将召开的情况下,韩国农业领域的贸易保护问题已经成为阻碍中韩FTA签订的重要问题。韩国农业领域的贸易保护倾向不仅根源于福利国家体制和国家干预制度,还和韩国独特的历史和现实政治情况紧密关联,这就要求我国政府在解决该问题时除了遵循FTA基本原则外,更要兼顾社会和政治方面的对韩协调,整合中国农业出口部门,实现对农业领域自由贸易的政治护持。     

Strategy and Selection in International Relations

It is widely recognized that many of the samples we use for statistical analysis in international politics are the result of some selection process. Not surprisingly, selection models are becoming increasingly popular. At the same time, the role of strategic interaction has begun to play a more important role in statistical analyses. However, it has not been clear how statistical strategic models and selection models relate to each other, or what the effects are of employing one when the other is the more appropriate model. In this article, I 1) clarify why international relations scholars cannot shield themselves from selection bias simply by assuming their results are limited to a given sample; 2) show how recent statistical strategic models relate to traditional selection models and generalize the two sets of models by deriving a correlated strategic model; and 3) examine the effects of misspecifying either correlated errors or strategic interaction. My results indicate that failure to model the strategic interaction produces worse specification error than failure to account for correlated disturbances. In fact, traditional bivariate probit models appear to be superior only when states are almost completely uncertain about each others' preferences.     

REASSESSING THE BREADTH OF THE PROTECTIVE BENEFIT OF IMMIGRANT NEIGHBORHOODS: A MULTILEVEL ANALYSIS OF VIOLENCE RISK BY RACE,ETHNICITY, AND LABOR MARKET STRATIFICATION*

Researchers in the United States have increasingly recognized that immigration reduces crime, but it remains unresolved whether this applies to people of different racial–ethnic and economic backgrounds. By using the 2008–2012 area‐identified National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), we evaluate the effect of neighborhood immigrant concentration on individual violence risk across race/ethnicity and labor market stratification factors in areas with different histories of immigration. The results of our analysis reveal three key patterns. First, we find a consistent protective role of immigrant concentration that is not weakened by low education, low income, unemployment, or labor market competition. Therefore, even economically disadvantaged people enjoy the crime‐reduction benefit of immigration. Second, we find support for threshold models that predict a nonlinear, stronger protective role of immigrant concentration on violence at higher levels of immigrant concentration. The protective function of immigration also is higher in areas of longer histories of immigration. Third, compared with Blacks and Whites, Latinos receive a greater violence‐reduction benefit of immigrant concentration possibly because they live in closer proximity with immigrants and share common sociocultural features. Nevertheless, immigrant concentration yields a diminishing return in reducing Latino victimization as immigrants approach a near‐majority of neighborhood residents. The implications of these results are discussed.