心理学在一人一事思想政治工作中的运用

人的性格、气质、思维方式的不同决定了一人一事思想政治工作的差异性。心理学是研究人们心理活动及其规律的科学。心理学的相关理论,有助于思想政治工作的开展。运用个性差异理论。可提高一人一事思想政治工作的针对性;运用情感理论,可提高一人一事思想政治工作的感染性;运用需求理论,可提高一人一事思想政治工作的有效性;运用激励理论,可提高一人一事思想政治工作的能动性。     

铭记共青团组织的政治属性做好团员青年的思想政治工作

政治性是共青团有别于工会和妇联等一般群众性社会组织的根本属性,是共青团的立团之本。做好团员青年的思想政治工作是共青团组织政治性的必然要求。团员意识是团的政治属性的集中体现,应当成为共青团思想政治工作的着力点。     

公安思想政治工作规范化发展的路径分析——对贵州省公安思想政治工作的调研与思考

加强公安思想政治工作规范化建设,可以使公安机关重视思想政治工作的价值,克服公安思想政治工作的随意性和盲目性,体现其科学性和系统性。建设路径包括:领导重视;建章立制;挖掘与整合资源;规范实施和评估程序;立功创模,典型引导;从优待警与从严治警的结合;加强公安政工队伍建设。     

浅析大学生思想政治教育人文关怀的几大转换

长期以来大学生思想政治教育人文关怀一直没有很好地落实,文章针对这一现状,指出在落实大学生思想政治教育人文关怀时,需要注意几大转换,即要从教育重心、教育对象、教育内容、教育策略、教育方法这五个方面进行转换思路。     

An Exploratory Analysis of Fertility Differentials in India

The association between improving economic conditions and declining growth of population has led economists and demographers to hypothesise a direct relationship between indicators of economic development and fertility rates. Using recent National Family Health Survey data and the 1991 Census to explore factors contributing to fertility rates in India, we found that economic variables explain 70 per cent of the interstate variations in India's fertility rates. However, several non-economic variables explain an even greater proportion, for example, indicators of female autonomy explain 84 per cent of the variations. Our analysis demonstrates that to successfully explain Indian fertility rates, models must rely heavily on non-economic variables.     

How South African Citizens Evaluate Their Economic Obligations to the State

This article explores the relationship between feelings about political community and citizen evaluations of the state's demands for taxation. It finds preliminary support for the hypothesis that to the extent that individuals identify themselves with the state-sponsored view of the nation, they will perceive the allocation of costs and benefits to be more 'fair', and will be more inclined to comply with demands for taxation. This conclusion is based upon analysis of a 1997 dataset resulting from a national survey of adult South Africans, a society characterized by a great diversity of feelings about political community, and other socio-economic factors.     

Contextualising the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ in Darfur

ABSTRACT

This article argues for a thorough contextual analysis based on understanding local, regional and international politico-economic linkages in the Sudan, in order to ground prospects of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) doctrine in the ongoing crisis in Darfur. The R2P framework was crystallised by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2001. It was adapted and subsequently endorsed by United Nations (UN) member states during the 2005 UN World Summit. The R2P ostensibly provides normative benchmarks on how states should respond to the quadruple human rights violations of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Indeed, there is debate on whether the prevailing crisis in Darfur constitutes a test case for the application of the R2P. However, such debate is misplaced on two grounds: first, it glosses over the inherent conceptual deficiencies of the R2P, as presently constituted. More importantly, such debate is primarily inspired by reactionary and externalising influences based on past international failings, like Rwanda (1994) and Bosnia (1993). Hence, it is argued that the starting point of analysing the Darfur crisis should be a thorough investigation of how local, regional and international politico-economic factors have historically worked in an orchestrated fashion to trigger and sustain the crisis in the Sudan. Knowledge and an understanding of such historical specificity is a requisite for determining the relevance of the R2P in Darfur. The R2P, as presently constituted and practised, does not address this gap.     

A typology of communication functions in ballot issue campaigns

The increased importance of ballot issue campaigns creates a need for communication and political science scholars to study the rhetorical strategies employed in such campaigns. This essay presents a typology of four communication functions employed in successful ballot issue campaigns: education, trust development, development of a positive message, and neutralization of the opposition. The typology is applied to an analysis of the 1986 campaign for liquor‐by‐the‐drink in Kansas.     

Risky business: Covering slow‐onset hazards as rapidly developing news

The emerging field of risk communication has yet to thoroughly grapple with how the mass media report risk. Through a content analysis of five newspapers noted for their science reporting, newspaper coverage of four environmental hazards is compared to media coverage of more traditional risky events. In general, these slow‐to‐develop stories are reported in much the same way as more traditional disaster stories. News accounts emphasized an event orientation, framed risks in terms of human activity rather than social and political contexts, described risk in terms of harms and benefits, and relied on traditional sources. The authors then explore how this version of mass‐mediated risk might change current definitions of risk communication and how a mediated construction of risk may influence public perception of the political choices these issues raise.     

The irrelevance of negative campaigns to political trust: Experimental and survey results

This article examines how media and partisan mechanisms of accountability influence presidential agendas in Latin America. The authors argue that responsiveness increases in powerful presidential systems when opposition parties and free media help citizens hold presidents accountable between elections. Where presidents must contend with a cohesive, ideological opposition and effective constraints to their power, they turn to valence issues with broad appeal and over which they have greater control. A free media—one without significant economic, legal, or political constraints—pressures the president to respond to the electorate's concerns, which include crime and corruption due to the incentives that motivate news content and the media's agenda-setting powers. Analyzing more than 50 presidential terms across 18 countries, the authors show that when Latin American presidents face either free and competitive media or strong legislative oppositions, homicide rates and the level of perceived corruption tend to be lower. Thus, this study proposes that efforts to improve media or partisan environments, or both, would help address Latin America's accountability deficit and promote good governance in the region.