首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   760篇
  免费   6篇
各国政治   14篇
工人农民   1篇
世界政治   1篇
外交国际关系   4篇
法律   348篇
中国共产党   2篇
中国政治   19篇
政治理论   26篇
综合类   351篇
  2022年   14篇
  2021年   17篇
  2020年   17篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   3篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   10篇
  2014年   46篇
  2013年   30篇
  2012年   43篇
  2011年   41篇
  2010年   41篇
  2009年   58篇
  2008年   60篇
  2007年   60篇
  2006年   61篇
  2005年   67篇
  2004年   56篇
  2003年   55篇
  2002年   32篇
  2001年   19篇
  2000年   19篇
排序方式: 共有766条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
量刑基准存在于司法语境中,是法官观念中的内容,转化为现实就是法官自由裁量权的行使。以文字的方式将量刑基准规范化的做法没有现实可能性。可以培养法官对量刑基准的认同感,但不能企图将法官意识中的量刑基准统一化。  相似文献   
32.
我国律师刑事辩护豁免权的构建   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
律师刑事辩护豁免权,是指律师在法庭上的辩护言论不受法律追究的权利。世界上许多国家均对此项权利作出了具体的立法规定。律师刑事辩护豁免权关系到刑事诉讼所追求的实体公正和程序公正价值目标的实现。令人遗憾的是,我国律师缺乏刑事辩护豁免权,致使刑事辩护事业受到严重影响。鉴于此,在立法中赋予律师刑事辩护豁免权是现实之需、明智之举。  相似文献   
33.
《民法典》物权编对真实物权设立了三种判断标准,即公示标准、事实标准和意思标准。基于绝对权的定位,通常以法定公示机制展示的物权为真实物权,此即公示标准,但这种标准并不唯一。在法律有特别规定的情形,征收等直接导致物权变动的客观事实能成为真实物权的判断标准,此即事实标准,与该事实不符的公示是错误的,公示的权利不是真实物权。此外,在法律允许的情况下,土地承包合同等当事人的合意也能成为真实物权的判断标准,此即意思标准,在不涉及第三人时,应按照意思标准而非公示标准来判断真实物权。  相似文献   
34.
数据作为区别于传统客体的新兴民事权利客体,依附数据交易而实现其特定价值,同时具有社会资源、人格利益和财产利益的法定属性。数据交易下,其权益边界成为民事权利主体资格探讨的必备要素,关乎着数据主体资格、法律关系和私权制度价值。我国司法实践认为数据权益应因其劳动增值而取得,美国则认为数据权益应当回归数据应用的价值。基于分析,对数据权益应严格数据人格利益与财产利益,同时基于数据交易而赋予数据控制者基于数据主体的衍生权利,并建立各类数据控制者之间进行数据流转的合规性标准,以求在总结司法实践和立论的基础上,为数据权益的边界界分提供参考性意见。  相似文献   
35.
商标本为一种用于区别来源的工具。然而,现代商标法将之财产化,并采用民法财产权体系中的绝对权保护模式。绝对权的认知结构预设着强有力的私权保护,这为商标权的强化和扩张埋下了种子。商标财产化的理论基础脆弱,经典的自然权利理论、现代的法经济学理论以及商誉论和广告功能保护论都无法为商标财产权提供坚实的理论支撑。商标财产化在实践中产生了一些负面效应,在我国还呈加剧之势,有必要予以纠正。在认知上,需要打破绝对权理念之拘束。在实践中,停止侵害的禁令救济的绝对化适用需加以纠正;混淆之扩张需谨慎对待,以反击"财产论"对"混淆论"的挤压。此外,还需提升商标性使用的地位,使其扮演商标法"守门人"角色,以期对商标财产权的不断扩张进行约束和限制。  相似文献   
36.
新《刑法》第二十条重新界定了正当防卫的概念,放宽了防卫限度,增设了无限防卫权,与1979年的《刑法》相比,进一步完善了正当防卫制度。这样不仅有利于调动和保护公众同违法犯罪行为作斗争的积极性和自觉性,而且有利于司法机关正确认定正当防卫。但在具体适用正当防卫时还应注意以下几点:正确认定防卫意图,准确判断防卫限度,严格把握无限防卫权。  相似文献   
37.
The purpose of this paper is to discuss how fascism may be identified by its actions, the stages through which a fascist rule takes power, and how to recognize it before it does so. The thesis is that a fascist takeover of a democratic government is rapid and unexpected. Its goal is a revolutionary reversal of representative government in the name of the people, while it accomplishes the opposite: a single-party corporate regime that replaces individual liberty with subtle, bureaucratic, and overt types of coercion. Rather than generate a generic definition of the many types of fascism, it is more useful to study how it affects the lives of ordinary people, the milieu out of which it develops, and what its precursors look like. Understanding fascism entails studying it from the point of view of those who lived under it and recorded their experiences, as well as from the analytic perspectives of social scientists. As Robert O. Paxton observes: “The fascist phenomenon was poorly understood at the beginning in part because it was unexpected.”1Robert O. Paxton, “The Five Stages of Fascism,” in Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science, edited by Roger Griffin, vol. I (2004), Chapter 14, 305–26.View all notes We are facing the question again in 2017 with the surprise election of Donald Trump as the forty-fifth president of the United States by a minority of the popular vote and the evident support of the white nationalist milieu. Paxton proposes a five-stage theory for understanding fascism in its many varieties. A developmental sequence is proposed against which current events in the United States may be assessed.  相似文献   
38.
In order to guarantee a further successful functioning of the enlarged European Union a Federal European Constitution is proposed. Six basic elements of a future European federal constitution are developed: the European commission should be turned into a European government and the European legislation should consist of a two chamber system with full responsibility over all federal items. Three further key elements are the subsidiarity principle, federalism and the secession right, which are best suited to limiting the domain of the central European authority to which certain tasks are given, such as defense, foreign and environmental policy. Another important feature is direct democracy, which provides the possibility for European voters to participate actively in political decision making, to break political and interest group cartels, and to prevent an unwanted shifting of responsibilities from EU member states to the European federal level.  相似文献   
39.
The striking affinities that have developed between radical-conservative movements in Western Europe and Russia since the end of the Cold War have been widely noted. This essay considers these affinities through the example of the Soviet historian and geographer Lev Nikolaevich Gumilev (1912–1992). It argues that Gumilev and the European New Right developed perspectives that were highly comparable, founded on similar principles, and articulated through similar images and allusions. Yet despite the powerful resonances in terms of basic concepts and theoretical orientation, there were nonetheless deep differences in terms of the conclusions regarding the practical implications for their respective societies that Gumilev and the Europeans deduced from these principles.  相似文献   
40.
During and after the Euromaidan, the Ukrainian society experienced an emergence of non-state groups that combined elements of civic activism and paramilitarism. They operated independently from the state and often used extra-legal violence to restore law and order, deliver justice, and protect Ukraine from external and internal threats. Their conduct closely resembles vigilantism. This article draws on the body of criminological and sociological research on vigilantism in order to understand the diverse landscape of vigilante groups in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. It explores the complex relationship between the most representative vigilante groups, the Ukrainian government, and the political and business elites; analyzes the legal boundaries of vigilantism in Ukraine; and discusses the outcomes of vigilante justice for democratic consolidation, rule of law, and human rights. This article offers a new paradigm for theorizing popular mobilization in Ukraine and sheds light on important dimensions of the formation of an informal system of policing and justice.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号