浅论新时期的专群工作

专门工作和群众路线一直是我国公安机关工作的根本路线,并在社会治安综合治理中发挥着重要作用。但随着市场经济体制的发展以及城市化进程的加快,旧的专群工作体制已不适应变化了的新情况,因此,建立符合时代特征的专群工作新机制就成为当前公安工作亟待解决的重要任务。     

电子政务与政府流程再造——兼谈新公共管理

电子政务是信息技术在政府管理的广泛应用的结果,但是,它不仅仅是一种纯粹的技术活动。为了充分发挥信息技术的潜力,降低信息化的投资风险,在实施电子政务过程中进行政府流程再造是必然的选择。结合企业信息化的经验,论述了电子政务实施过程中进行政府流程再造的必要性,以及在不同的电子政务应用层次对政府流程再造的不同要求。但是,随着电子政务应用层次的提高,也对政府管理提出了更高的要求;从新公共管理的角度对电子政务进行了进一步的探讨,研究了新公共管理对我国电子政务的借鉴意义和存在的障碍。     

Contracts, Compacts and Control: New Labour and Personal Responsibility

The 2004 report Personal Responsibility and Changing Behaviour: The State of Knowledge and its Implications for Public Policy by the Prime Minister's Strategy Unit is an attempt to draw together social science literature that explains why it is difficult for governments to influence individual citizens. Underlying this is the idea that across diverse areas of policy, state provision of services often has much less impact on outcomes than does an individual's behaviour. Therefore to improve outcomes, government needs to be able to encourage 'personal responsibility'. The authors focus mainly on the role of contracts in changing behaviour in a whole range of different areas; from ASBOs and crime prevention, to home-school agreements and education policy. This report appears to underpin much of the thinking within New Labour as to future policy, and reveals how ideas of personal responsibility are likely to be key to New Labour's manifesto commitments prior to the 2005 general election.     

Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims

Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se.     

Institutions and Economic Performance: The Use and Abuse of Culture in New Institutional Economics

Important research programs within New Institutional Economics advance culturalist arguments to explain failures of economic development. Focusing on the work of Douglass C. North and Avner Greif, this article argues that such arguments rely on an essentialist conception of culture that is both historically inaccurate and analytically misleading. Greif’s work in particular rests on a selective use of empirical data that ultimately distorts the deductive models that are at the core of his work. As a result, both scholars use culture to account for outcomes that are more adequately explained as the product of social conflict and political struggles—struggles in which culture plays a far more contingent and destabilizing role than the one they attribute to it. What is needed, I argue, is to link arguments about the persistence of inefficient institutions with a sociologically informed conception of culture as an ensemble of resources that enhance rather than constrain the scope of individual agency. To come to terms with the effects of culture on institutional formation and change it is necessary to replace the essentialism articulated by North and Greif with a strategic-instrumentalist view in which culture is compatible with a wide spectrum of economic behaviors, individual actions, and thus institutional trajectories.

论韩国在现代世界经济体系中地位的变迁

二战结束后,美国出于地缘政治战略考虑,把韩国纳入到现代资本主义经济体系,成为该体系的"边缘区";经过漫长的经济积累,在80年代末、90年代初,韩国终于进入"半边缘区",直至今日。目前,韩国在追赶美国、日本的同时,也在被"北方国家"追赶。在这种"多层追赶"的态势中,韩国必须寻找最佳的对策,确保并提升自己在现代世界经济体系中的地位。     

试论中日关系的新向度——以前首相福田康夫对中外交遗产为中心

近年来,从小泉、安倍、再到福田,日本政府都非常重视构成两国关系之潜流的精神和价值理念领域。特别是前首相福田转变了小泉和安倍的"价值本位"外交方向,并从"回归古典"着手,力图通过重构中日两国的精神、价值大厦,使中日关系不仅仅是一种利益、利害关系的存在,而是建立在双方共同理解、追求并能够互相接受的价值阈值的基础之上。这样,中日关系才可能从根本上克服其脆弱性的一面,从而走得更远。而中日两国在第四个政治文件中就此所达成的共识,即为实现这一目标的"新向度"。无疑这是前首相福田对中外交的重要遗产。     

比较法学与轴心文明——兼评帕特里克·格伦《世界法律传统》

近年来国际范围内的比较法学研究,开始尝试在传统的"法系"范式之外,以"法律文化"和"法律传统"作为新的研究概念与范畴,但是究其实质,仍未摆脱西方中心主义的窠臼,并未形成比较法学研究的范式突破,同时还存在缺乏历史性的维度和全球化的视野之问题.在这个去西方中心主义和全球文明转型的时代,应当将轴心文明的概念和思想嵌入比较法学...     

从旭普林公司案看我国法院对国际商事仲裁的监督

运用国际商事仲裁的一般理论和国际商事仲裁立法与实践,结合我国法院就国际商会国际仲裁院仲裁庭根据该院仲裁规则就德国旭普林公司案在我国上海作出的仲裁裁决所实施的司法监督,探讨了国际商事仲裁裁决与涉外裁决、外国裁决和《纽约公约》项下的非本国裁决之间的联系与区别。由此认为本案项下的裁决,既不是我国裁决,也不是外国裁决,而是《纽约公约》项下的非内(本)国裁决。     

非营利组织参与公共政策的探讨

公民的政策参与是现代的公共政策的基石。尤其是非营利组织兴起以来,这种参与由公民的个体参与转变为组织性的活动。非营利组织在公共政策的制定过程中也越来越占据重要地位,虽然它本身还有很多局限性。作为公共政策的制定者——政府,应该积极主动的为非营利组织的发展创造良好的环境,并主动吸取非营利组织参与政策制定。