全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1509篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 93篇 |
工人农民 | 27篇 |
世界政治 | 68篇 |
外交国际关系 | 95篇 |
法律 | 243篇 |
中国共产党 | 55篇 |
中国政治 | 157篇 |
政治理论 | 206篇 |
综合类 | 573篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 2篇 |
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 15篇 |
2021年 | 44篇 |
2020年 | 62篇 |
2019年 | 30篇 |
2018年 | 36篇 |
2017年 | 32篇 |
2016年 | 43篇 |
2015年 | 22篇 |
2014年 | 92篇 |
2013年 | 162篇 |
2012年 | 109篇 |
2011年 | 103篇 |
2010年 | 69篇 |
2009年 | 79篇 |
2008年 | 85篇 |
2007年 | 105篇 |
2006年 | 104篇 |
2005年 | 81篇 |
2004年 | 72篇 |
2003年 | 60篇 |
2002年 | 44篇 |
2001年 | 40篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1517条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
11.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(3):385-400
:With the rise of capitalism, the‘labour problem’became a serious issue for intellectuals in Japan. Although the national economy expanded rapidly at the turn of the nineteenth century, Japan's workforce was still heavily dependent on‘farmers’whose condition was only worsened by the land tax revision of 1873. The government policy offukoku kyōhei(‘enrich the country, strengthen the armed forces’) benefited capitalists in the form ofzaibatsu(business and industrial magnates collaborating with the government), but impoverished the majority. This had the effect of widening the gap between the affluent and the poor. As redundant farmers flowed into the cities and worked in a wretched environment for low wages, many intellectuals were concerned about their well-being. They were motivated by various considerations, including humanitarian and Christian beliefs. Some embraced socialist ideas and recognized the need for reform. Abe Isō(1865–1949), known as the father of early socialism in Japan, was one of those who became concerned about the prevailing poverty and its impact on society. A professor at the TōkyōSenmon Gakkō(the present Waseda University), he was one of the important intellectuals of the second generation of the Meiji era (1868–1912). At the formative stage of embracing socialist ideas, he came to see New Zealand as a paragon, a country whose policies on the relief of social hardship provided an ideal model for Japan. This study examines his belief that New Zealand had much to offer the‘new’Japan. 相似文献
12.
Mark Bassin 《Nationalities Papers》2015,43(6):840-865
The striking affinities that have developed between radical-conservative movements in Western Europe and Russia since the end of the Cold War have been widely noted. This essay considers these affinities through the example of the Soviet historian and geographer Lev Nikolaevich Gumilev (1912–1992). It argues that Gumilev and the European New Right developed perspectives that were highly comparable, founded on similar principles, and articulated through similar images and allusions. Yet despite the powerful resonances in terms of basic concepts and theoretical orientation, there were nonetheless deep differences in terms of the conclusions regarding the practical implications for their respective societies that Gumilev and the Europeans deduced from these principles. 相似文献
13.
Phil Ramsey 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2015,15(4):377-386
The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK. As a civil service body supporting those in government working as press officers and in marketing roles, the GCN under the New Labour government in the period 2006–2010 was involved with the extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication. This article charts this process by examining key government policy documents from this period. The rationale for Engage rested on the assumption that government in the UK needed to adapt its communication approach to reach what were perceived as individualised consumers in society. The extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication that happened under Engage is shown to be consistent with the New Public Management approach to public services under New Labour. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
14.
David L. Altheide 《政治交往》2013,30(1):81-82
This study assesses the importance of paid advertising. Drawing from observations and interviews with ad creators and campaign managers, it describes, analyzes, and evaluates what the candidates did and why in the 1992 New Hampshire presidential primary election. Specifically, the study examines the importance of initial ads, consistency in ads, and the use of negative ads. It demonstrates that candidates flooded the airwaves with 30‐second ads, spending well in excess of overall spending limits on advertising alone. Ad innovations in 1992 were as follows: heavy New Hampshire and Boston time buying, an attack strategy against an incumbent president, an informercial to raise money, distributed videotapes, interactive video appeals, and half‐hour programs. Candidates who advertised early and stayed consistent in their imagery did better than candidates who advertised later and created multiple images and varied ads. 相似文献
15.
Aaron S. Klieman 《政治交往》2013,30(1):43-78
For all of their centralized power and undisputed authority, even crisis leaders are susceptible to breakdowns in political communication. This is particularly significant when martial rule or a state of emergency—most effective when of short duration— becomes open‐ended; the sense of urgency no longer prevails. In the initial stage of proclaiming a constitutional emergency it is perhaps easiest to create an atmosphere of crisis and to promote a collective sense of danger. A climate of national fear and insecurity, in turn, enables the constitutional dictator to mobilize broad support even for draconian measures imposed at the expense of individual freedoms. With the prolongation of the emergency, however, and the institutionalization of crisis government, certain immunities to authoritarianism do begin to surface. As suggested by periods of prolonged emergency rule in India and South Korea, the leader becomes remote and isolated; he or she no longer feels quite so compelled to communicate; domestic opposition increases. The experience of President Marcos and the Philippines since 1972 illustrates some of the political dynamics of the modern, permanent “emergency state.” What has happened to the New Society program of reforms should help in understanding the critical link of communication between leaders and their followers under conditions of either real or manipulative domestic political stress. 相似文献
16.
Advertorials are a form of outside lobbying that organized interests use to influence policymakers and attentive publics. It is apparent from their popularity that organized interests consider them to be an effective form of political communication. This article analyzes 2,805 organized interest advertorials that appeared on the lower right quadrant of The New York Times op-ed page from 1985 to 1998. Advertorials take two broad forms: (a) image advertorials, which are paid messages by organized interests designed to create a favorable climate of opinion, and (b) advocacy advertorials, which are sponsored messages intended to win support for an interest's viewpoints on controversial issues. Typologies of advertorials (11 categories), organized interests (21 categories), corporate and noncorporate economic interests (29 categories), and policy content (28 categories) are used to document annually and over time who is sponsoring advertorials, what types of advertorials are being used, what interests avail themselves of advertorial campaigns, which issue areas are receiving attention, what images and policy messages are being communicated, which organizations sponsor the most advertorials, and the timing of such political advertising campaigns. We find over time an increasing number of advertorials, an increasing number and diversity of sponsoring interest organizations, an increasing trend toward advocacy advertorials, a continuing but declining sponsorship dominance by corporate interests, a shifting policy issue emphasis that corresponds to events in the political environment, and evidence that organized interests employ a variety of sponsorship strategies. 相似文献
17.
John K. McIlwain 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):615-619
Abstract A long‐time criticism of New Urbanism has been that the housing it provides is affordable only to middle‐ and upper‐income families. Johnson and Talen's survey of New Urbanist developers and developments is intended to see whether this criticism is justified. Although the methodology is limited, the results of this survey would seem to indicate that it is. Because Johnson and Talen's survey is restricted to New Urbanist developments, it is not possible to compare the results with those for other, more conventional developments to see whether New Urbanist developments may actually contain more affordable units than comparable conventional projects. Also, limiting the definition of affordability to the cost of housing alone prevents the authors from seeing whether the housing New Urbanist communities provide would be considered less expensive if housing and transportation costs were combined. 相似文献
18.
强化诚信意识 确保我国市场经济健康发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
现代市场经济是建立在遵守承诺的契约基础上的经济,诚信是现代市场经济的基石。我国的诚信缺失给我国的市场经济发展带来了严重的后果,因此,必须在全社会强化诚信意识,使我国的市场经济朝着健康、有序的方向发展。 相似文献
19.
中国近代民事诉讼法学 ,萌芽于 19世纪下半叶 ,诞生于 2 0世纪初叶的清末修律 ,成长于 2 0世纪30年代中华民国南京政府时期民事诉讼立法的基本完成。回顾总结这一段历程① ,不仅有助于我们更清楚地了解中国民事诉讼法学的历史起源 ,也可以进一步深化我们对中国民事诉讼法律传统的理解 ,从而更加自觉地投身于新时期中国民事诉讼法学的创建活动 相似文献
20.
某些台湾作家在新世纪对大陆学者撰写的《台湾文学史》或分类史所做的“反攻”,主要是出版《台湾新文学史》或类文学史的著作,对“台湾文学是中国文学一个组成部分”、“反共文学”是一种逝去的文学、“皇民文学”就是汉奸文学的观点作出反弹。他们从政治上和学理上清算大陆学者的台湾文学史观时,还把岛内的统派学者“捆绑”在一起.。代表人物有钟肇政、陈芳明、林瑞明、谢辉煌。 相似文献