构建国际化视野的现代警察大学

新形势下调整、巩固与发展公安高等教育,不仅符合世界警务改革的大趋势,是推进警察教育国际合作的需要,更重要的是符合我国具体国情,符合公安高等教育自身规律。1.建设现代警察大学的思想理念;2.建立现代警察大学的基本框架;3.营造浓厚的学术气氛,创造深厚的校园文化;4.科学定位公安学历教育与在职民警培训的关系。     

现代法治与民主宪政的金融解释

金融发展对一国的现代法治与民主宪政有着深远的促进作用。金融格局与工商文明构建了现代民主、法治的基石,内生化了市场对法律制度、民主宪政制度供给的需求。欧洲式的现代民主法治的建构与金融市场的发展有着极为密切的联系。正是由于有着与金融财富增长相匹配的金融民主模式,欧美国家的民主宪政得以确立。文章以金融秩序与工商文明的发展为主线,从金融视角,解读中国社会工商文明的系统累积与法律制度供给,金融工商文明的话语体系与思维方式,政府公权力与民间私权利的互动,对深刻理解与构建中国社会的现代法治与民主宪政,具有重要意义。     

企业知识产权战略问题研究

知识产权是企业最重要的无形资产。随着知识经济的来临,知识产权资源在经济增长中的贡献份额逐年上升,知识产权资源对企业的发展也越来越重要。运用知识产权战略对于企业在竞争中保持优势十分重要。知识产权战略的内涵丰富、意义重大,但是也需要一定的实施条件,这方面美、日等国的做法具有比较法意义上的借鉴价值。     

现代社会道德困境的产生及其消解

道德是人们行为的准则和规范,道德的生成是为了更好地促进个人利益的实现和社会整体的发展.我国改革开放以来,经济社会等领域多方面问题的存在,制约着道德发展及作用的发挥,进而产生道德困境,影响着个人利益的实现与社会的发展.因此,通过从社会发展、社会制度、社会道德、社会风气角度去分析消解道德困境的路径,具有重要的现实意义和实践价值.     

是“本土化”问题还是“主体性”问题?——兼谈“民国机制”与中国现代文学研究

近年来,在反思"全球化"理论的过程中,"本土化"问题的提出确实带给了我们重新认识现代文学自身的机会。但是,由于"本土化"理论模式"化"他者理论为己用的先天缺乏研究者"主体性"的缺陷,使得"本土化"理论在面对什么是新文学真正的中国特质这样根本性的问题时显得乏力,而"民国文学机制"问题的提出,刚好弥补了"本土化"理论的缺陷,以突出历史情境为切入口,强调研究者的"主体性",为塑造中国自己的文学研究思维打开了一扇窗。     

The welfare family

This article analyzes family transformations resulting from the impact of social welfare policies and modernization in Guadeloupe, an island in the French Caribbean. The analysis is taken from a study of three-generational families in which a “pivot” member between 49 and 53 years of age, one parent, and one adult child were interviewed. The study, combining both quantitative and qualitative methods, concerns the forms of cultural, domestic, and economic exchanges between the generations, in addition to the various social welfare allowances received by the members of the families who were interviewed. The results show the complementarity between public and family forms of support. They also show how social welfare benefits have transformed the respective social status of different generations, the functioning of family solidarity, and the ways that poverty is being fought.     

Daring to Be Heard: Advertorials by Organized Interests on the Op-Ed Page of The New York Times , 1985-1998

Advertorials are a form of outside lobbying that organized interests use to influence policymakers and attentive publics. It is apparent from their popularity that organized interests consider them to be an effective form of political communication. This article analyzes 2,805 organized interest advertorials that appeared on the lower right quadrant of The New York Times op-ed page from 1985 to 1998. Advertorials take two broad forms: (a) image advertorials, which are paid messages by organized interests designed to create a favorable climate of opinion, and (b) advocacy advertorials, which are sponsored messages intended to win support for an interest's viewpoints on controversial issues. Typologies of advertorials (11 categories), organized interests (21 categories), corporate and noncorporate economic interests (29 categories), and policy content (28 categories) are used to document annually and over time who is sponsoring advertorials, what types of advertorials are being used, what interests avail themselves of advertorial campaigns, which issue areas are receiving attention, what images and policy messages are being communicated, which organizations sponsor the most advertorials, and the timing of such political advertising campaigns. We find over time an increasing number of advertorials, an increasing number and diversity of sponsoring interest organizations, an increasing trend toward advocacy advertorials, a continuing but declining sponsorship dominance by corporate interests, a shifting policy issue emphasis that corresponds to events in the political environment, and evidence that organized interests employ a variety of sponsorship strategies.     

Crisis leadership and non‐communication: Marcos of the philippines

For all of their centralized power and undisputed authority, even crisis leaders are susceptible to breakdowns in political communication. This is particularly significant when martial rule or a state of emergency—most effective when of short duration— becomes open‐ended; the sense of urgency no longer prevails.

In the initial stage of proclaiming a constitutional emergency it is perhaps easiest to create an atmosphere of crisis and to promote a collective sense of danger. A climate of national fear and insecurity, in turn, enables the constitutional dictator to mobilize broad support even for draconian measures imposed at the expense of individual freedoms. With the prolongation of the emergency, however, and the institutionalization of crisis government, certain immunities to authoritarianism do begin to surface. As suggested by periods of prolonged emergency rule in India and South Korea, the leader becomes remote and isolated; he or she no longer feels quite so compelled to communicate; domestic opposition increases.

The experience of President Marcos and the Philippines since 1972 illustrates some of the political dynamics of the modern, permanent “emergency state.” What has happened to the New Society program of reforms should help in understanding the critical link of communication between leaders and their followers under conditions of either real or manipulative domestic political stress.     

民族国家与现代民族的"政治性"、"国民性"

现代民族起源于欧洲.伴随着西欧民族国家的诞生,民族的原生意义得到了扩展,进入了现代发展阶段.现代民族突破了古代民族受血缘、地缘、语言、文化等客观因素的限制,随着社会经济的发展,它还加强了人们对原有的民族共同体的政治认同,与此同时,要求建立主权在民的民主政体赋予了现代民族"政治性"和"国民性".     

An exploration of testamentary behaviour in twentieth-century Ireland

This article highlights trends in testamentary behaviour in modern Ireland derived from registers of probate cases. Primary findings show a consistently high level of intestacy in modern Ireland. It argues that such rates were more closely related to popular perceptions rather than an understanding of succession law. It also highlights that while real property was not normally divided pre-mortem transfer of non-fixed assets complicated efforts to understand how estates devolved. Testamentary behaviour also shifted significantly in favour of pious bequests in the period under review.