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191.
    
Union competition law protects ‘consumer welfare’, but what role do consumers play in competition policy‐making? This is the question that this article seeks to answer. In the search for an answer, the article investigates the moral (output) and procedural (input) legitimacy of the recent competition law reforms. Following a discursive approach, the article looks into the roles played by institutions deliberating for citizens (consumer organizations, European Parliament and the Union Courts) in the reform process. This inquiry results in the questioning of the reforms’ legitimacy, and it also leads to broader conclusions regarding the legitimacy of multi‐level governance: expert discourses overshadow potential deliberative qualities of networks, which exacerbates networks’ legitimacy problems. Also, the input/output legitimacy dichotomy appears problematic, as expert policy‐making in the absence of citizen participation does not guarantee policies resonating with public interest.  相似文献   
192.
    
The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) is famous for playing a central role in promoting the process of European integration. Although the Court has always been criticized for this pro‐integrationist role, Member States have never cut back the CJEU's power. Recently, however, the environment for legal integration has changed: the CJEU is dealing more and more with politically sensitive issues; and that in a period when the integration project as such is becoming increasingly contested. Contrary to the expectations of many scholars, this had not led to more resistance against the CJEU's case law or its power. This article approaches this surprising fact by investigating the CJEU's jurisprudence on Golden Shares, which has substantially reduced national competencies in the contentious issue of corporate control. It shows that the persistent acceptance of the CJEU can be explained with the low and manageable short‐term costs of legal integration.  相似文献   
193.
There is growing demand for an understanding of peace beyond the absence of violence. As such research focuses increasingly on the issue of state legitimacy as a tool to assess and understand peace processes. In this paper the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is studied to assess whether the provision of services like electricity to rural communities of war-torn countries through state actors contributes to the consolidation of the post-war political system. The qualitative analysis of two localities in post-war Nepal highlights that service provision in the form of electricity through micro-hydropower yields tremendously positive socio-economic effects for rural communities. However, socio-economic development in combination with interactions among villagers has strengthened local autonomy through emphasising alternative local governance structures. This highlights that the relationship between service provision and state legitimacy is more complex than previous research anticipates. The absence of a positive effect on state legitimacy raises the question of whether in its current case-specific form service provision is conducive to the broader peace-building efforts in post-war Nepal, because it stresses the divide between state and society.  相似文献   
194.
Abstract

The European Union increasingly uses ‘soft’ international arrangements rather than formal international agreements in establishing relations with non-EU states. This contribution aims to raise the question of to what extent a move from hard to soft law in relations between the EU and its partners can be seen as allowing the Union to ‘step outside’ the legal framework (if that indeed is what is happening) and disregard the rules and principles that define the way in which EU external relations are to take shape. Possible consequences include the risk that these instruments are not subject to appropriate safeguards, that parliamentary influence (by the European Parliament as well as by national parliaments) is by-passed and that transparency is affected. There are various reasons for the EU not to use formal procedures, but a turn to informality does come at a price.  相似文献   
195.
    
In this essay, I evaluate Philip Pettit’s theory of republican political legitimacy and maintain that it fails to provide a more satisfactory account of legitimacy than consent-based theories. I advance two interrelated theses. First, I argue that in so far as Pettit successfully narrows the scope that his theory of political legitimacy has to address, his arguments could be adapted to support consent-based theories. Second, I argue that Pettit’s theory fails to satisfy the high standards it sets for itself and is thus unsuccessful. My critique focuses on Pettit’s notions of historical, political and normative necessity, before evaluating whether his requirement of equally individualised popular control of government should be endorsed.  相似文献   
196.
    
Bottoms and Tankebe recently analysed the multidimensional nature of police legitimacy and made an argument for its relevance to social order. Using survey data from three communities of varying socioeconomic conditions in Pakistan, this paper examines the links between the multiple dimensions of the Bottoms-Tankebe model of police legitimacy and support for vigilante violence. The findings show overall high levels of support for vigilantism. Regression analysis shows that experiences of police illegality consistently predict support for vigilantism across the three communities. Perceived quality of police decision-making predicts support for vigilantism in some conditions but not others. Contrary to expectations, quality of interpersonal treatment by police and police effectiveness do not explain support for vigilantism. We also found no evidence to show that feelings of obligation to obey the police mediate the influence of police legitimacy on vigilante support. The implications of these findings are discussed in this paper.  相似文献   
197.
198.
Elite corruption may have a significant role in ending conflicts and shaping post-conflict development. This article enquires into the legitimacy accorded to such corruption. It reviews literature on post-conflict Cambodia, seeking evidence that academic commentaries, public opinion or elites themselves regard elite corruption as a legitimate Machiavellian tool for achieving other ends. Corruption has been an element of the style of government adopted by the dominant party in Cambodia, shaping both the achievement of peace and the uneven economic development that followed. Academic commentaries provide some implicit and explicit legitimation of corruption as a means to secure peace and to resist neoliberal policy settings by affording government discretionary resources and power. Meanwhile, public dissatisfaction with elite corruption appears to the most likely source of renewed violent conflict in Cambodia. How elite actors rationalise and legitimise corrupt behaviour remains poorly understood, and is deserving of more attention.  相似文献   
199.
与宪法规定的其他义务相比,第五十三条中的守法义务是更为基本的义务,但是宪法学界鲜有对守法义务的论证。从法理学进路则可证成此守法义务:首先,任一正常的社会都有正当的社会目标,这确保了社会对法律的要求是正当的;其次,法律与社会之间有基于相互性的责任,当法律回应了既定社会的正当要求时,此社会的任一成员都有回应法律的义务;最后,社会成员不证自明的理性确保了回应的必然性。所以,正常社会中的任一理性公民都有宪法上的守法义务。  相似文献   
200.
关于道德能否进行法律强制问题,最有名的论战当属于哈特与德夫林的交锋,哈特在其著作《法律、自由与道德》中站在自由主义的立场精彩地回击了以德夫林为代表的法律道德主义的观点。不仅给我们带来了关于道德与法律的新的启发和思考,更为个人自由权利不受强制争取了宝贵的空间。  相似文献   
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