我国当前用工荒的成因探析

由美国金融危机深化和世界经济形势调整所带来的外部环境恶化,对我国产业结构的调整和升级提出了紧迫的要求,而且近几年我国持续的用工荒也逼迫着企业进行产业结构的调整与升级。本文认为,我国目前的用工荒其实质是技工荒,而企业在职培训投入不足则是用工荒的一个重要原因,并用信息经济学的相关理论构建数学模型,从理论上解释了企业对在职培训投入不足的原因。     

网络信息传播对大学生道德培养的消极影响及对策探析

网络信息传播严重冲击着大学生的人生观、价值观,危害大学生的心理健康,导致大学生道德评价标准的缺失,影响大学生的学术态度和创新能力。提高大学生道德培养水平,要加强师资队伍建设,完善思想道德修养课程体系,营造良好的大学生道德成长环境,提高大学生网络自律意识,建立网上咨询平台,关注人性的全面发展,使网络信息传播与大学生自由发展协调统一。     

THE MEANING OF DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE

Prevailing paradigms of macro‐economic management and levels and distributions of poverty in some rich countries suggest that economic and strategic self‐interest rather than poverty reduction in poor countries are likely to be the primary objectives of much development assistance. The incommensurability of the paradigms of development discourse makes it unlikely that strongly held ideologically based positions on these matters will change quickly or easily. Moreover, non‐altruistic positions can be maintained more readily by virtue of the loose construction of international declarations such as the Paris Declaration. Based on different interpretations of the Paris Declaration, empirical evidence from Cambodia and Indonesia of donor opportunism that is designed to maximise aid control and aid distinctiveness for non‐altruistic purposes is presented. Recent sharp declines in donor legitimacy have made this more difficult to do, but even so, there have been no concomitant reductions in donor self‐assurance concerning their exclusive possession of the moral and technical high ground. Such behaviour is, however, increasingly resented particularly by government officials in lower middle‐income countries like Indonesia. Resulting relationships lack trust and are therefore unlikely to contribute optimally either to the realisation of non‐altruistic purposes or to poverty reduction. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Official apologies,reconciliation, and settler colonialism: Australian indigenous alterity and political agency

The burgeoning literature on transitional justice, truth commissions, reconciliation and official apologies tends to ignore the conditions of settler states in which ‘reconciliation’ needs to take account of indigenous minorities. The settler colonialism literature is worth including in the general discussion because it is exceptionally reflective about political theory (the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights) and ethnogenesis (the origin and viability of both settler and indigenous identities), challenging mainstream liberalism, in particular, to account for difference beyond platitudes about multiculturalism. This article highlights the postcolonial critiques of the Australian governments' apology to the indigenous peoples of the country. The authors of these critiques seek to protect indigenous alterity from the Australian state, which they regard as irredeemably colonialist, especially in its liberal and progressive mode. The article suggests that Indigenous political agency transcends the resistance/co-option dichotomy presented in much of the apology's commentary.     

新中国成立以来道德榜样叙事的嬗变与审思

道德榜样叙事作为中国共产党榜样文化的核心与灵魂,在中国共产党带领人民从站起来、富起来到强起来的总体历史进程中持续展开并不断进阶.新中国成立以来,道德榜样叙事发生了整体性嬗变,表现为:主体从主客二分转向主体间性;本体从单层面转向多层面与耦合化;媒介从传统媒体转向新媒体和全媒体;环境从现实性转向“虚”“实”交融;思维从单向...     

国家治理视阈中的“道德承认”原则

中国特色社会主义的依法治国不同于西方资本主义国家的依法治国,其根本区别是:西方资本主义国家的依法治国是以“契约论”为基础,目的是为了保护个体私有财产不受侵犯.而中国特色社会主义的依法治国是立足于公有制经济基础,超越了“资产阶级法权狭隘眼界”,把“道德承认”作为国家治理视阈中的价值原则.“以德治国”具有内在客观性,而“依...     

Public and family support and concerns for providing DNA to law enforcement in long-term missing person cases

The identification of long-term missing persons and unidentified human remains is a global challenge. Many people stay on missing persons registers, with unidentified human remains stored for extended periods in mortuaries around the world. Research exploring public and/or family support for providing DNA in long-term missing persons cases is scarce. The aims of this study were to examine whether trust in police predicted the level of support for providing DNA and explore public/family support and concerns for providing DNA in such cases. Trust in police was measured through two widely used empirical attitude scales; “The Measures of Police Legitimacy and Procedural Justice”. Support and concerns for giving DNA were measured through four hypothetical missing persons case scenarios. The results showed more positive attitudes towards police legitimacy and procedural justice significantly predicted support, with the percentage level of positive support across the four case types as follows: cases involving a long-term missing child (89%), elderly adult with dementia (83%), young adult with a history of runaway (76%), with the lowest level of support for an adult with an estranged family (73%). Participants also reported more concerns about providing DNA when the missing person circumstances involved family estrangement. Understanding levels of public/family support and concerns around providing DNA to police in missing persons cases is vital to ensure that DNA collection practices reflect what the public/family support and, wherever possible, alleviate public concerns.     

Does personalization of officeholders undermine the legitimacy of the office? On perceptions of objectivity in legal decisionmaking

Public legitimation of legal decisionmaking can be promoted through various strategies. We examine strategies of legitimation that are premised on personalizing the public image of legal agents. A personalized public administration emphasizes individual decisionmakers and seeks legitimacy through familiarity with the character, identity, and virtues of individual agents, whereas a non-personalized public administration projects an ethos of technocratic decisionmaking, seeking legitimacy through institutional objectivity and impartiality. We conducted an experiment to examine the efficacy of personalization strategies in the context of a politically charged legal affair: the criminal cases involving the prime minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu. We focus on people's perceived objectivity of the office of the Israeli attorney general (AG), given exposure (vs. no exposure) to different types of personal information about the AG, and while manipulating the salience of contrasting decisions concerning Netanyahu (indicting him on several counts of corruption versus exculpating him in others). We find that exposure to personal information about the AG decreased the perceived objectivity of his office, compared to no exposure to personal information, regardless of the type of information, decision salience, and respondents' political leanings. Our findings, therefore, support the legitimating potential of the non-personalization of decisionmakers, and show that it pertains to people positioned as both “losers” and “winners” with regard the political impact of the decision. The study further reflects the capacity of nonabstract real-world, real-time, analyses to shed light on the drivers of public trust in legal decisionmaking in politically polarized contexts—an issue of pertinence in many contemporary democracies.