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181.
Andrew Eungi Kim 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(4):519-542
Abstract For the general elections in 2000 and 2004, civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage the so-called ‘blacklisting campaign’ or ‘defeat campaign’ against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or anti-reform politicians. The campaigns not only played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected but also heralded a new era in Korean politics: civic groups have now emerged as a major political force, capable not only of challenging party policies and pending legislation but also taking on an agenda-setting prominence in a wide array of policy areas. In analyzing the success of NGO political activities in the 2000 and 2004 general elections, this paper draws on resource mobilization theory to show how the civic groups effectively utilized various resources, including leadership skills, communications and office facilities, and access to the mass media, to achieve their objective rather than relying simply on the spontaneous participation of voters. In comparing the efforts of civic groups in the two elections, the paper also explains the factors that made their endeavors relatively less successful in 2004 (e.g. a splintering of alliances among the civic groups). On the whole, the paper argues that the greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to a more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy, and that the vibrant civic activism in Korea is an indication not only of maturing democracy but also a more secure entrenchment of civil society. 相似文献
182.
Noortje Marres 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):251-281
Abstract Studies of the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) seek to come to terms with a particular problem of political globalization. While global forums are widely attributed the capacity to put in place the conditions for the resolution of local issues, at the same time these sites are seen to place unacceptable restrictions on the articulation of the issues from localist perspectives. ICTs occupy a special position with respect to this dilemma, as they are both seen to be part of the problem, a factor in the enrolment of NGOs in global governance networks, and part of the solution, as instruments of alternative, translocal forms of political organization. This piece shows how a particular style of Web analysis, informed by actor-network theory, demonstrates the need to complicate certain assumptions that inform both these critical and these constructive perspectives. In a series of exercises of network analysis on the Web, we open up for questioning the assumption of the ‘primacy of the local’ on which these perspectives tend to rely. We suggest that the role of ICTs in the globalization of NGO practices should rather be understood in terms of the reformatting of issues for transnational networks. In our interpretations of issue networks on the Web, we argue for the importance of taking more seriously the ways in which the Web highlights the practical constraints on issue articulation faced by NGOs. By way of conclusion, this paper draws attention to the fact that Web studies present a notable extension to the sites studied by actor-network theory and related approaches in assemblages studies, as it compels consideration of the media circulations characteristic of publicity. 相似文献
183.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(3):214-229
ABSTRACTThe concept of migration and development (M&D) and practices in that area have lain on many countries’ political agendas for decades, with no clear focus or coherent strategy knitting together the various stakeholders working in the sphere. This article analyzes the main conceptions of M&D in the discourses and practices of Spanish NGOs and compares them with the focuses that have arisen in the academic sphere, for a look into primarily five issues: whether NGOs have their own focus on the migration-development nexus or are swayed by public institutions’ guidelines; whether NGOs steer their actions more toward preventing and restricting migration or toward promoting development; whether NGOs also consider potential effects on development in receiving countries; whether NGOs entertain the idea of participatory actions where immigrant persons hold centre stage; and whether NGOs fulfil their civic and political function as a propounding force to contribute to democratic governance in migration matters. 相似文献
184.
张式军 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2007,(4):95-98
环保NGO在通过环境诉讼参与环境保护方面有着公民个人所不具备的优势,环境立法发达的国家普遍赋予环保NGO以环境诉讼的"原告资格".德国的环境立法和环境判例也在不同程度上认可了环保NGO的原告资格,但这种原告资格还是受到很大的限制,原告仅能依据自然保护法的规定提起诉讼,环境公益诉讼的原告资格只赋予被官方承认的环保NGO,因而,德国环保NGO通过环境诉讼参与环境保护的途径尚有待拓宽. 相似文献
185.
论非政府组织在国际争议解决机制中的作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
姜琳 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2005,20(5):71-73,145
现代非政府组织在国际诉讼程序以及WTO争端解决机制中均扮演着极其重要的作用,尤其是以“法庭之友”身份出现,虽然尚未能够成为一个国际法主体,但在某种程度上作为一个独立的法律人格者而出现。我国应借鉴国际争议解决机制中的相关做法对我国法院的审判活动进行规范和完善。 相似文献
186.
Neil Narang 《国际相互影响》2016,42(2):189-216
Despite a principled commitment to assist people in need equally, the allocation of humanitarian assistance across conflict and post-conflict states shows remarkable variation that is not easily explained by differences in the level of recipient-need. This paper attempts to explain these “forgotten conflicts“ by analyzing the determinants of humanitarian aid to civil war and post-civil war states. Using cross-national panel data on humanitarian aid provisions, I show that the most important determinants of international humanitarian assistance are not always demand-side factors measuring humanitarian need – as the principals of humanitarian action would dictate – but often strategic factors that reflect donors’ political interests in providing humanitarian assistance. Although humanitarian aid to ongoing civil wars appears to be substantially more humanitarian than strategic in its allocation, humanitarian aid provided to post-conflict states in the aftermath of civil war tends to go to conflicts where donors perceive important strategic and political interests. These results suggest that one important explanation for why some conflicts are essentially ignored or gradually neglected over time is that strategic interests of donors can dominate humanitarian concerns over time. 相似文献
187.
This article examines the downward accountability of NGOs in community project planning in Ghana. It is based on primary data collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with NGO officials, local government officials and representatives, chiefs, women leaders, and other community members. The findings reveal that although community members were engaged in project planning processes in many respects, these engagements were limited to endorsing pre-prepared plans, decisions, and mundane aspects of the project. The engagements were largely tokenistic, rhetorical, and to garnish legitimacy, and lacked the key elements of empowerment which promoted downward accountability. 相似文献
188.
法治进程中民间组织的公民性塑造功能及其实现 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
中国正处于社会结构转型期,产生了民间治理空间和公民性诉求。而民间组织作为国家与社会之间的中介力量和平台,承担着公民性塑造的重要功能和责任,也即推进"公民性"社会资本的形成、培养公民的民主生活技能、增进公民的公共精神、培育公民的理性自律品格。然而,由于多种因素的影响,我国的民间组织发展还存在一定的困境和问题,制约了其功能的发挥,因此,需要大力加强民间组织建设,发挥其公民性塑造功能,从而推进民主法治进程。 相似文献
189.
南北关系研究一直是国际关系领域的一个重要课题,毫无疑问,南北非政府组织间的关系研究对于深化这一领域的研究有重要意义。本文从马来西亚非政府组织和国外非政府组织关系入手,以马来西亚非政府组织和美国基金会关系为具体案例,从南北非政府组织关系层面管窥南北关系的发展特点。 相似文献
190.
Marcelo Marchesini da Costa 《Development in Practice》2019,29(3):300-313
How can non-profit organisations achieve their intended impact on society? This article analyses factors that influence non-profit action in two key situations: when these organisations work autonomously from the government, and when they work in collaboration with the government. Based on interviews with experienced non-profit leaders in Brazil, the article presents typical paths for success and common reasons for failure in achieving non-profits’ intended outcomes. Organisational, relational and contextual factors influence non-profit action, leading to different outcomes. Brazilian non-profits provide lessons for non-profit action in developing countries contexts that experience cycles of political and economic instability. 相似文献