全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1155篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 100篇 |
工人农民 | 31篇 |
世界政治 | 28篇 |
外交国际关系 | 66篇 |
法律 | 163篇 |
中国共产党 | 35篇 |
中国政治 | 162篇 |
政治理论 | 126篇 |
综合类 | 462篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 13篇 |
2021年 | 22篇 |
2020年 | 32篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 25篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 63篇 |
2013年 | 120篇 |
2012年 | 86篇 |
2011年 | 57篇 |
2010年 | 65篇 |
2009年 | 90篇 |
2008年 | 111篇 |
2007年 | 89篇 |
2006年 | 57篇 |
2005年 | 59篇 |
2004年 | 41篇 |
2003年 | 76篇 |
2002年 | 32篇 |
2001年 | 20篇 |
2000年 | 13篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1173条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
221.
Stefan Andreasson 《Democratization》2013,20(2):303-322
Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership's alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle. 相似文献
222.
Callie Marie Rennison 《Women & Criminal Justice》2013,23(3):171-190
Studies of public support for capital punishment have consistently observed a strong and enduring gender gap in the level of death penalty support, with males consistently more inclined than females to support capital punishment. This unexplained relationship has endured over time and space as well as across a myriad of research designs. The present study uses attribution theory in a factorial survey design to account for this relationship. Analyses of data obtained from jurors provide mixed support for attribution theory yet fails to bridge the gender gap in death penalty support. The implications of these findings as they relate to gender, socialization, and attributions are discussed. 相似文献
223.
中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜具有完整而科学的内涵。旗帜是政治方向,道路是实现途径,理论体系是行动指南,制度是根本保障。 相似文献
224.
于淑杰 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2022,244(1):32-47
2021年7月2日,俄出台新版《俄罗斯联邦国家安全战略》,其中有许多新变化值得关注.俄认为,当前国际形势动荡不安,地缘政治紧张局势日益加剧,武力仍是解决国家间冲突矛盾的重要手段.俄当前国家安全面临的主要威胁是美西方针对其进行的"混合战争",具体包括军事威胁、经济制裁和政治施压.为此,新战略提出的基本战略目标是维护国内、... 相似文献
225.
CHRIS ALLEN 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(3):354-361
The British National Party and English Defence League forged new frontiers in British political spaces in relation to anti‐Islam, anti‐Muslim ideologies. Whereas the former sought to do so in formal political arenas, the latter did so as a street‐level movement. With the subsequent waning of both, Britain First has emerged seemingly to fill the political void they left. In many ways, Britain First combines the strategies and actions of the parties that preceded it, at both the formal and street levels. This article considers what is known about Britain First, about its history, development and its ideology, and how this is manifested in terms of its political strategies and actions. This includes such activities as standing for European elections and also undertaking ‘Christian patrols’ and mosque ‘invasions’. The article considers how Britain First, while having some similarities with the BNP and EDL, is more confrontational and militaristic and is informed by apocalyptic Christianity. 相似文献
226.
毛良升 《云南公安高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):12-16
当今社会处于信息网络时代,在此时代背景之下,信息网络正对人们的工作、学习、生活、思维等生存方式的方方面面产生着广泛而深刻的影响,它必然也会对国防生思想政治教育产生一定的影响。其中,国防生的心里动态、思想信念、政治理想受到的影响尤为明显。针对新情况、新问题,探寻出新的思想政治教育对策,就显得十分迫切与重要。 相似文献
227.
闫永黎 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):78-86
刑事赔偿是对公民权利进行救济的最后屏障,在归责原则上经历了过错原则到无过错原则的演进,体现了对国家责任的认可.我国已经颁布了统一的《国家赔偿法》,侵犯人身权之刑事赔偿得以广泛关注,但侵犯财产权之刑事赔偿尚存在诸多问题,在财产权被宪法确认为公民的一项基本权利后,完善我国刑事赔偿势在必行.刑事赔偿制度既包括对实体性要件的界定,如刑事赔偿参与主体、赔偿范围、赔偿标准和方式;也包括程序性规范的具体设计,即狭义的刑事赔偿程序和追偿程序. 相似文献
228.
"五族共和"思想的内涵与实质探析 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
"五族共和"思想包括共和政体下"国家之统一"、"民族之统一"和民族(种族)平等三重含义.孙中山代表南京临时政府对"五族共和"思想及其政策主张的表述来自此前"共和统一会"对"统一"的解释.由于辛亥革命胜利后,资产阶级认为国内的种族不平等和政治不平等问题均已解决,因此,"五族共和"思想表现在民族问题上的实质属于资产阶级性质的民族同化,通过民族同化从而实现民族的统一. 相似文献
229.
Research has shown that voting in European elections is affected by domestic politics. However, in the last years, and particularly after the European debt crisis, also the EU has gained relevance and salience in national politics. In this paper we address the Europeanization of national elections and assess to what extent the characteristics of countries condition the intensity of EU issue voting. Using data from the European Election Studies and the Comparative Manifestos Project, our results demonstrate the importance of congruence between citizens' and parties’ positions on the EU for the individual vote on the national level and show how this varies across countries. We provide evidence that EU issue voting is more intense in countries with more political influence in the EU as well as in countries that are net contributors to EU funds. 相似文献
230.