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291.
Anwen Elias 《Regional & Federal Studies》2019,29(1):1-23
This article examines the strategic behaviour of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in regional elections from 1999 to 2016. It builds on recent work that has theorized the kind of strategic tools regionalist parties have at their disposal in electoral competition, and the factors expected to determine the strategic choices these parties make. An in-depth case study of the SNP describes when and explores why the party makes strategic choices in an effort to bolster its electoral support in post-devolution Scotland. The analysis finds (i) that the SNP has consistently sought to ‘frame’ the issue of independence in economic terms, by advancing an economic case for separating Scotland from the UK and (ii) that this strategic approach is the result of competing constraints internal and external to the party. These findings suggest that the strategic behaviour of regionalist parties in electoral competition is more sophisticated than expected by extant theoretical accounts. 相似文献
292.
作为亚太地区一个重要的国家,澳大利亚因其丰富的资源和重要的战略地位受到了越来越多的关注。二战以来,随着全球化进程加快所带来的跨国移民趋势加强和经济区域化发展,促进了澳大利亚的民族文化由"单一的盎格鲁—凯尔特文化"向"多样性文化"的转变。这一转变一方面加快了澳大利亚政府积极构建多元化社会的步伐,另一方面使澳大利亚对自身的国家身份和归属进行重新定位。本文主要关注在全球化进程中澳大利亚民族特性的转变,并进一步分析这一转变对重新定位澳大利亚国家身份和归属的影响。 相似文献
293.
Brandon L. Bartels Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier Corwin D. Smidt Rene M. Smith 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(1):210-222
Central to traditionalist and revisionist perspectives of individual-level party identification is a debate about the stability of party identification. We revisit the debate about the dynamic properties and processes underlying party identification. We present a conceptual framework that defines heterogeneity and state dependence as endpoints of a continuum underlying partisan stability, which is important in understanding an individual’s capacity for updating partisanship. Using panel data from the 1992-1996 National Election Study, we estimate dynamic, random effects multinomial logit models of party identification that distinguish between heterogeneity and “true state dependence.” In accord with traditionalist perspectives, our evidence suggests that in general, minimal state dependence underlies party identification; party identification is strongly stationary. However, we find that age enhances the magnitude of state dependence, which provides some support for revisionist theories. Overall, our work showcases how explaining individual-level dynamics expands our knowledge of partisan stability. 相似文献
294.
培育人民警察核心价值观,塑造"三有"队伍是公安队伍建设一项永恒的主题。以"示范标准岗"建设来培育人民警察核心价值观符合交警队伍实际,要坚持从交警队伍实际出发,以"示范标准岗"建设为实践载体,通过抓好概念—理念、理念—实践、实践—信念三个环节,着力在交警队伍中培育具有警种特点的核心价值观。 相似文献
295.
郭永园 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2011,(1):16-20
兵团是增进民族团结中流砥柱。基于屯垦戍边的特殊性,兵团形成了边疆区域性、非政府特殊组织实体的增进民族团结职能作用机制,即兵团模式。兵团认同是兵团模式的核心,是实现民族国家认同、社会主义认同的中介。兵团内形成和谐的民族关系,同时推进新疆平等、团结、互助、和谐的社会主义新型民族关系的形成与完善均是兵团模式的实践结果。 相似文献
296.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):22-23
ABSTRACT In the ‘poor’ result achieved by Jean-Marie Le Pen in the 2007 presidential elections, many commentators saw the demise of the Front National. However, when asked by a journalist whether it was the end of her father's political career, Marine Le Pen smilingly replied: ‘I don't think so. In any case, this is the victory of his ideas!’ In this question and answer lies the whole story of the Front National and its impact on mainstream politics in the past two decades. First, Le Pen's defeat was exaggerated, the same way his victory had been in 2002. What Mondon argues in this paper is that the 2002 presidential elections did act as an ‘earthquake’ within French politics. However, this ‘earthquake’ did not trigger a tsunami of support for Jean-Marie Le Pen, but rather a tidal wave of misinformation and misunderstanding as to the real significance of the election results. By concentrating on the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections, Mondon highlights how this reaction led to the consecration of right-wing populist politics, best exemplified in the landslide election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. He also provides an insight into the slippery slope Sarkozy's government took after its election, leading to an extremely rightward-leaning 2012 presidential campaign and new heights for the Front National. 相似文献
297.
ROBERT CROWCROFT 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(1):172-176
This article explores the United Kingdom's National Security Strategy (NSS) since 2008, considering what the NSS discloses about how contemporary Whitehall conceptualises ‘risks’ to Britain. It contends that rather than being a strategy in the Clausewitzian sense, the NSS represents a political exercise in risk management. In addressing a range of quite different problems, the NSS suggests that those in Whitehall now conceive their role as being to shield the citizen from any conceivable threat to their safety, wellbeing, and even emotional security. Yet this constitutes a highly expansive vision, and elevates the state's provision of public goods to a potentially unmanageable level. 相似文献
298.
高校学风建设渗透于德、智、体全面发展的教育之中,其实质是教育、培养和引导学生树立理论联系实际和实事求是的作风,帮助学生形成"勤奋、严谨、求实、创新"的优良学风。构建行之有效的高校学风建设长效机制的策略是:加强学生党建工作;强化班级管理;强化新型师生关系;健全各项规章制度;加强思想教育;加强宣传教育开展第二课堂活动;端正教风。 相似文献
299.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4-5):465-487
ABSTRACT Three events in late 2005—Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath in New Orleans, the Muslim riots in the suburbs of Paris, and the Cronulla ‘uprising’ in Australia—were interpreted by the American extreme right as confirmation of a long-feared impending racial cataclysm. Michael and Mulloy examine analyses of these events from various representatives of the American extreme right. While the mainstream media were often diffident about reporting frankly on the more sensitive implications of these events, this phenomenological approach may provide insight on how various controversial issues—such as immigration, race and multiculturalism—impinge on contemporary American society, culture and politics. 相似文献
300.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):21-43
ABSTRACT Musolff's study applies methods of cognitive metaphor analysis to Hitler's antisemitic imagery in Mein Kampf, especially to the conceptualization of the German nation as a (human) body that had to be cured from a deadly disease caused by Jewish parasites. The relevant expressions from the conceptual domains of biological and medical categories form a partly narrative, partly inferential-argumentative source ‘scenario’, which centred on a notion of blood poisoning that was understood in three ways: a) as a supposedly real act of blood defilement, i.e. rape; b) as a part of the source scenario of illness-cure; and c) as an allegorical element of an apocalyptic narrative of a devilish conspiracy against the ‘grand design of the creator’. The conceptual differences of source and target levels were thus short-circuited to form a belief-system that was no longer open to criticism. The results cast new light on central topics of Holocaust research, such as the debates between more ‘intentionalist’ and more ‘functionalist’ explanations of the origins of the Holocaust, and the question of how the Nazi metaphor system helped gradually to ‘initiate’ wider parts of the German populace into the implications of the illness-cure scenario as a blueprint for genocide. The Nazi antisemitic metaphor system thus provides a unique example of the cognitive forces that can be unleashed in the service of racist stigmatization and dehumanization. 相似文献