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41.
近年来两岸关系已步入和平发展新时期并且在诸多领域取得丰硕成果,但由于受到岛内政治、文化教育、两岸关系、国际政治与青年自身等诸多因素的影响,在两岸大交流背景下台湾青年的“国家认同”仍然呈现出“去中国化”与“台湾化”的现状,对于两岸关系和平发展与国家和平统一将造成相当大的负面影响。因此,未来两岸双方应继续深化两岸经济、文化、教育、社会领域的交流合作,以建构“双重认同”作为化解台湾青年“中国认同”危机的基本路径,在深化两岸关系和平发展的进程中重新建构台湾青年的“国家认同”。 相似文献
42.
《Labor History》2012,53(1):22-39
The Teamsters Union often clashed with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) in Seattle between 1935 and 1942. At times the Seattle Teamsters resisted the NLRB, yet in other cases the union worked within the agency's procedures to expand. In the years after the Wagner Act, the Teamsters exploited the NLRB to block employees from choosing their own union. This article uses archival records to explore cases where the Seattle Teamsters successfully adapted to federal regulation of collective bargaining between 1935 and 1942. Seattle workers opposed to the Teamsters bravely fought to protect their right to organize, yet these employees faced a union skilled at working with the procedural state. These cases show the increasing ability of the Seattle Teamsters to enroll workers wary of the union by complying with NLRB rules. 相似文献
43.
《Labor History》2012,53(4):423-458
Well known is that the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA, 1935) in the United States places a largely per se ban on nonunion employee representation (ER) groups which deal with employers over a term or condition of employment. Much less well known is that America’s other labor law, the Railway Labor Act (RLA, 1926), takes a different approach and permits employers to operate such councils and committees as long as they do not perform a collective bargaining function or interfere with workers’ free choice of a bargaining agent. Thus, under the RLA Delta Air Lines is able to operate what is today the closest living approximation to a 1920s-style ER plan while hundreds of other companies (e.g. Polaroid) under the jurisdiction of the NLRA have been forced over the years to disband similar groups on grounds they are a proscribed company union. No study to date has explored the history behind the RLA and NLRA’s divergent treatment of nonunion ER groups so this article takes a first look. The main part of the story covers the 1920–1935 period and examines the events, people, and experiences associated with company unions and ER in, respectively, the rail and manufacturing industries and why the legislative outcome in the former was a permissive stance on nonunion committees but prohibitive in the latter. The last part of the paper fast-forwards the RLA-NLRA story from the 1930s to contemporary law and practice in order to demonstrate how “history matters” when it comes to what employers can and cannot do with nonunion representation groups, such as works councils, participation and involvement committees, and dispute resolution forums. 相似文献
44.
Fiona Anciano 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2014,32(1):35-55
South Africa's ruling party is well known as an organisation that supports the ideal of non-racialism. However, the extent to which the African National Congress (ANC) has defined and instrumentalised the concept of non-racialism is contested. This article looks at the history of non-racialism in the party and more recent interpretations by ANC leadership, before examining how non-racialism is understood, 19 years into democracy, by members of the party. Based on interviews with over 45 ANC branch members, the article describes how members, broadly speaking, have deep-seated concerns with non-racialism in the ANC and in society more generally. There is recognition from ANC branch members that race relations have significantly improved since the ANC moved into government; however, they feel not enough change has taken place and that racial tensions are impeding social cohesion and concomitant growth and progress in the country. There is division among members in regards to the efficacy and impact of the party's racially based policies such as affirmative action as well as the manner in which race potentially influences leadership opportunities within the party. Furthermore, the article shows that there is lack of definition and direction on the part of the ANC in regards to the instrumentalisation of non-racialism, and this deficiency has negative consequences for racial cohesion in the party. The article concludes by discussing how investigations into party branches through the lens of non-racialism, highlights more deep-seated concerns about local-level party democracy and a party fractured at the grassroots. 相似文献
45.
本文总结了学校坚持以科学发展观为指导,在专业建设、课程改革、教学科研、实训基地建设、师资队伍建设、校园文化、校企合作等方面所进行的探索和取得的成绩。为今后的学校的建设和发展提供参考。 相似文献
46.
贵州民族文化传统节日综论 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
本文全面论述了贵州多元文化状态下民族传统文化节日类型、价值,以及开发与保护传承等问题。 相似文献
47.
水族中存在着一种特殊的古文字——“水书”,这种文字的特殊性之一是它主要不用于人们之间的书面交流,而是用于人与“神”之间的沟通。本文从水书文献、水族古文字义类、水族古文字的形成与发展三个方面论述了水族古文字的这一社会文化属性。 相似文献
48.
在实现民族社会快速发展的同时,如何防止民族优秀传统文化的遗失是一个社会性问题。在民族文化生态系统中,民族文化从多方面影响和制约着民族教育,民族教育作为民族文化的重要组成部分,既是民族文化的一种特殊表现形式,又是民族文化传承和发展的基本途径。依据民族文化与民族教育相互关系原理,贵州省实施了民族文化进校园活动。实践表明,这一活动是一项民族文化与民族教育互动发展的助推工程,为我们提供了一条保护和传承民族优秀传统文化的可选道路。 相似文献
49.
不同的文化具有可比性。在民族民间文化的保护和传承问题上,必须反对"凡是存在的就是合理的"这种相对主义倾向。中国传统民族文化只有与时俱进,才不至于被全球化所淘汰,才可能以民族的、科学的、大众的面貌立足于世界各民族文化之林。 相似文献
50.
郭萍 《甘肃警察职业学院学报》2011,(3)
说专业是专业团队综合素质的展示,也是专业内涵和实力的体现,是三说(说专业、说课程、说管理)交流与沟通平台的重要环节,积极组织好说专业活动,将对高职院校的专业建设起到极大的推动作用。 相似文献