党的领导制度引领国家治理现代化的路径分析

新中国成立以来,我国逐步形成了以党的全面领导为核心的国家治理新模式.坚持和完善党的领导制度,有利于优化国家治理结构、提升国家治理能力、协调国家治理关系,是适应历史发展、坚持理论创新及顺应改革实践的必然选择.从治理主体、治理关系、治理模式三个维度入手,突出党的核心地位,优化党政职能结构,健全运行体制机制,是加快制度优势向...     

析宗教极端主义及其对国家安全的危害

宗教极端主义是一种与宗教有密切联系的极端主义。它主要有两种类别:第一类是指宗教内部的极端主义倾向;第二类是指在宗教名义下的极端主义。宗教极端主义对国家安全的危害,主要表现在危及国家主权和领土完整,破坏国家现有政治体系、经济体系和社会秩序,干扰国家可持续发展。为此,严厉打击、有效治理这一国际公害已成为当前维护国家安全的重要任务之一。     

证据法的基本权利保障取向

证据法的理性主义传统,既要求通过理性证明的方式去查明事实真相,而非诉诸神明和暴力;又不以追求真相为最高目的,而是将其视为实现正义的手段.这种理性传统,决定了法治国家证据制度具有求真、求善的双重功能,并将公正奉为首要价值,从而奠定了基本权利保障的价值取向.我国证据法学研究和证据制度建设正在经历从义务本位向权利本位转型,权...     

TRIPS协议下我国假冒注册商标罪的立法完善

依据Trips协议的相关规则和要求,完善和调整我国知识产权的法律保护机制,是亟待研究解决的问题。Trips协议下我国假冒注册商标罪的立法应从以下方面加以完善:将服务商标、“类似商品”、“近似商标”侵权行为和反向假冒注册商标行为纳入本罪的保护范围;改结果犯为行为犯的立法模式;加大刑法对注册驰名商标行为的保护力度。     

论紧急状态下限权原则的建构思路与价值基础——以我国《突发事件应对法》为分析对象

在我国《突发事件应对法》中,究竟有没有必要设置一些限制权利的基本原则?如果有必要,应当如何建构它们?在这个过程中,人们又会遇到哪些困难?基于法律体系的内部融贯性,这部法律必须认真对待普通民众的基本权利,并且需要设置一种动态的限权原则。这些原则不仅可以有针对性地应对突发事件的自身特质,彰显我国宪法对待权利的基本态度,而且能够满足现代法治对权利与权力之间相互平衡的期许。     

商标财产化的负面效应及其化解

商标本为一种用于区别来源的工具。然而,现代商标法将之财产化,并采用民法财产权体系中的绝对权保护模式。绝对权的认知结构预设着强有力的私权保护,这为商标权的强化和扩张埋下了种子。商标财产化的理论基础脆弱,经典的自然权利理论、现代的法经济学理论以及商誉论和广告功能保护论都无法为商标财产权提供坚实的理论支撑。商标财产化在实践中产生了一些负面效应,在我国还呈加剧之势,有必要予以纠正。在认知上,需要打破绝对权理念之拘束。在实践中,停止侵害的禁令救济的绝对化适用需加以纠正;混淆之扩张需谨慎对待,以反击"财产论"对"混淆论"的挤压。此外,还需提升商标性使用的地位,使其扮演商标法"守门人"角色,以期对商标财产权的不断扩张进行约束和限制。     

How Many Seats in Congress Is Control of Redistricting Worth?

How large a benefit is partisan control of the redistricting process? Do legal constraints on redistricting—such as the preclearance requirement of the Voting Rights Act—alter this benefit? Are institutions designed to reduce the benefit to partisan control—such as redistricting commissions—effective? To measure the effects of partisan districting on the electoral fortunes of the parties, we collect data on the partisan composition of state government, House election outcomes, and moderating institutions over an 80-year period. Our results suggest that over time, both parties have benefited from unified control, with the effects largest in states where voters were evenly divided among the parties and smallest in states where the controlling party had a large advantage in the electorate. The effects have changed over time, with both parties having equally benefited from control during the middle of the 20th century, the benefit largely disappearing in the late part of the century, and the Republican Party seeing a moderate advantage from control in the current century. The benefits of partisan control were not diminished in states with redistricting commissions. The preclearance requirement appears to have hurt the Democratic Party except when its vote share was very low. The aggregate effects of partisan redistricting are moderate in magnitude—in the modern period, this effect has typically been less than 10 House seats, with the last election where control of the House would have flipped in expectation occurring in 1954.     

Raised By a Predator: Sex Offender Parents and an Effort To Keep Them Out of the Child's Home

Registered sex offenders are obligated to comply with rules put forth by their state's registry. While there are stringent guidelines regarding the offender's interaction with the public, a sex offender's ability to obtain custody of their child is less rigid. Statutes differ on the level of scrutiny referencing their right to parent, which leaves an opening for offenders to abuse their child. This Note proposes the adoption of a model statute in which registered Tier III sex offender parents who were convicted for a crime involving a minor are precluded from gaining physical or legal custody of their child.     

《民法典（草案）》的土地经营权规定应实质性修改

“三权分置”是中央农村土地制度改革的重大决策部署。《民法典(草案)》近日公开征求意见,将于2020年3月提交全国人大审议通过。其在“物权编”简单移植了《农村土地承包法》土地经营权的个别条文,解决了土地经营权定性不明的问题,但使《农村土地承包法》的逻辑紊乱、利益失衡、无法放活经营权等问题进一步固化、显化,亟待作出实质性修改。其进一步修改应以实现“放活经营权”改革目标为基本遵循,坚守“物债二分”基本理论,充分尊重中国实际,切实维护农民利益。