中国精准扶贫实践的溢出效应

中国精准扶贫实践取得的成就令世界瞩目,波澜壮阔的脱贫攻坚战对我国经济社会发展产生了广泛的溢出效应。本文在分析我国精准扶贫成效和梳理有关文献基础上,提出了精准扶贫溢出效应的概念界定和分析框架,总结了中国精准扶贫的政治溢出效应、组织溢出效应、经济溢出效应、社会溢出效应与文化溢出效应。我国在脱贫攻坚目标任务完成后,“十四五”时期需要继续用好精准扶贫的溢出效应,扎实巩固拓展脱贫攻坚成果,加快完善乡村振兴制度设计,深入推进乡村治理体系变革,全面推进乡村振兴,加快实现农业农村现代化。     

关于刑讯逼供屡禁不止的法律思考——兼论确立沉默权,完善刑诉制度

没有规定无罪推定原则、没有确立沉默权、没有对逼取的口供作出排除性规定,这是导致我国刑讯逼供屡禁不止的法律根源。笔者认为,应及早从程序立法上构建起根治刑讯逼供的治本机制。为此建议:修改刊诉法第12条,明确规定无罪推定的刑事诉讼原则;把“坦白从宽,抗拒从严”政策法律化;修改刑诉法第93条,确立沉默权;在刑诉法第43条中增加一款,对逼取的口供及据此查获的间接证据作出不能作为定案根据的排除性规定。     

A War on Cops? The Effects of Ferguson on the Number of U.S. Police Officers Murdered in the Line of Duty

Police agencies in the U.S. are currently facing a major legitimacy crisis resulting from a spate of high-profile use of force incidents, many involving minority citizens. Recent headlines emphasize that there is now a “war on cops” and that police officers are facing increasing levels of hostility and violence fueled by a growing anti-police sentiment. In the aftermath of events in Ferguson, Missouri in August 2014, some commentators claim that the number of police officers feloniously assaulted and killed in the line of duty has increased sharply. Using time series analysis of data from the Officer Down Memorial Page, we test whether events in Ferguson were associated with an increase in the number of police officers murdered in the line of duty. Our results provide no evidence for a “Ferguson Effect” on the number of U.S. police officers murdered in the line of duty as of March 2016.     

论公法上财产权——以存在根据、成立要件和表现形式为主

私有财产权中的"私有"应解为"私人享有"而非"依私法享有",因此,私有财产权既可为私法上权利,亦可为公法上权利.公法上财产权存在的根据在于宪法上私有财产权在行政法上的直接适用和宪法规定在行政法上的具体化.公法上财产权不能由公法规范和公权力主体的义务直接导出,其成立还需要以该公法规范至少同时亦具有保护特定私人财产利益的目的为前提.基于私人在公法上的一般法律地位,公法上财产权可大致区分为消极的公法上财产权和积极的公法上财产权两大类.     

Affective polarization in multiparty systems

Affective polarization captures the extent to which citizens feel sympathy towards partisan in-groups and antagonism towards partisan out-groups. This is comparatively easy to assess in two-party systems, but capturing the pattern of affect towards multiple parties is more complex in multiparty systems. This article first discusses these challenges and then presents different ways of measuring individual-level affective polarization using like-dislike scores, a widespread measure of party sympathy. Using data for 51 countries and 166 elections from five modules of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, I then show that affective polarization adds to existing concepts as a way of understanding political participation and democratic orientations. Studying affective polarization outside the US could therefore have important consequences for our understanding of citizen perceptions of politics as well as citizen behaviour, but we need the appropriate measures to do so.     

The electoral consequences of anti-Muslim prejudice

A growing body of research has documented the development of pervasive anti-Muslim sentiment among White Americans. We build on this research to demonstrate that anti-Muslim attitudes and negative stereotypes of Muslim people have become an enduring and consistent component of White Americans' presidential vote choice beyond any one specific candidate or election. We argue that the racialization of Muslim Americas has increased their salience and significance in both the minds of White Americans and in national political discourse, making attitudes toward Muslims a consistent predictor of Whites’ presidential candidate evaluations in every election since at least 2004. We support this account with empirical evidence from the 2004–2020 American National Election Studies, using measures of group affect and negative stereotypes of Muslim people.     

Overdispersion and Poisson Regression

This article discusses the use of regression models for count data. A claim is often made in criminology applications that the negative binomial distribution is the conditional distribution of choice when for a count response variable there is evidence of overdispersion. Some go on to assert that the overdisperson problem can be “solved” when the negative binomial distribution is used instead of the more conventional Poisson distribution. In this paper, we review the assumptions required for both distributions and show that only under very special circumstances are these claims true.

制约公安"打防"工作落实的若干因素初探

在目前的公安工作实践中,公安"打击与防范"工作在某种程度上并未得到正确的落实,存在着"重打击,轻防范"的问题.对制约公安"打防"工作正确落实的公安基层现状、公安后勤保障、长效机制和绩效考核机制等相关因素进行分析研究,对于公安理论与实践均具有十分重要的现实意义.     

论刑法拟制的本质、正当性及应有类型

刑法拟制的本质是对法律效果的拟制,是对A类型的事实适用A罪的构成要件进行评价,但适用B罪的罪名和法定刑定罪量刑——既不是对事实要素的假定而将A类型的事实认定为B类型的事实,也不是为B罪创设一种新的犯罪构成。除了窝藏赃物型抢劫罪等少数条款具有拟制的正当性之外,其他拟制条款均不具有正当性,应当尽快废除。根据条文规定的明确程度以及可解释为注意规定的余地大小,可以将刑法学界通常所认为的刑法拟制划分为明文规定的拟制、比较明显的拟制、形似的拟制、解释的拟制四种类型,由于大多数“拟制”条款都存在违背罪刑法定、实质正义和责任主义等问题,因而应当将形似的拟制和解释的拟制解释为注意规定,以尽量缩小刑法拟制的条款范围。     

行政裁量的内在构造

认清行政裁量的内在构造是认知并统制行政裁量的前提。从法的规范构造论和适用过程论来看,无论是法律要件之中对不确定法律概念的解释和对案件事实的评价,还是法律效果中决定的作出和措施的选择等,均存在着裁量,其本质均包含着对法律要件的解释判断,只是在裁量的自由度上有所差别。规范与事实之间的照应使得行政裁量成为一种可能,而规范与事实之间的不同使得行政裁量成为一种必要。行政裁量是行政主体在适用法律裁断个案时由于法规范与事实之间的永恒张力而享有的由类推法律要件、补充法律要件进而确定法律效果的自由。