网络舆论引发行政危机的应对策略

网络公共舆论是公民政治参与的体现,其引发的公共危机造成政府的行政困难。政治信息闭塞、执政观念落后、法制建设滞后、网络舆论固有特性是引发行政危机的原因。面对行政危机,政府应创新观念,遵循民主与法制先行和促进发展与安全使用并举的方针,一方面要公开政府信息、上网行政;另一方面要加强网络立法,建立完善网络政治参与的制度体系,危机出现时还要采取正确的媒体政策。     

论电子网络知识产权的特点及其法律保护

电子网络知识产权与传统知识产权具有不同特点。电子网络知识产权的主要特点有：电子网络知识产权的“专有性”、“地域性”较弱,权利主体的确定比较复杂,权利的客体范围不断扩大,受保护时间大大缩短等。为促进电子网络的正常发展,应运用法律手段对电子网络知识产权进行保护。     

涉网犯罪的现状与对策思考

当今社会,网络正以惊人的发展速度影响着我们工作生活的方方面面。网络在给予我们方便和快捷的同时,涉网犯罪的出现也带了一系列值得我们思考的问题。预防和打击涉网犯罪须完善立法和司法,加强宣传教育和技术防范,提高公安机关侦办人员的业务素质。     

发达国家网络信息内容治理模式

通过比较分析和实证分析等方法,本文对发达国家网络信息内容安全管理理念与实践演化路径进行了研究。研究结果表明,传统的以机密性、可用性、完整性三要素为核心的信息安全理论已经无法解释越来越复杂的网络信息安全管理问题。网络信息内容本身的社会危害性问题成为传统信息安全管理的悖论。以"9.11"为标志,西方发达国家对网络信息内容的管理理念开始发生重大转变,并初步形成网络信息内容安全管理模式的雏形。文章的研究对于开展中国特色网络信息内容治理理论的研究和管理实践模式的探索具有客观的参考意义。     

Networks of organised black market labour in the building trade

The building industry is a sector characterised by a large number of opportunities to commit economic crime. In Sweden, the level of tax avoidance in the building trade is estimated to be substantial, and the use of black market labour extensive. This article focuses on the organised use of black market labour in the building industry, which may be described as a form of both economic and organised crime. To date only a very small number of criminological studies have examined the use of black market labour in this sector of the economy. The article focuses on two of the central roles found in the context of organised, black market labour: the “fixer” and the “criminal entrepreneur”. The fixer is an individual with expertise in the methods of economic crime. The criminal entrepreneur acts first and foremost as a link between a client and the manpower required by this client. In this paper, fixers and criminal entrepreneurs are studied on the basis of data from the Swedish Register of Suspected Offenders. The analysis shows that the networks of fixers and criminal entrepreneurs overlap one another to some extent. There are nonetheless a number of differences between the two groups and also between their respective networks. The networks of the fixers are larger than those of the criminal entrepreneurs, and the individuals that comprise the fixers’ networks are suspected in connection with much larger numbers of offences. The fixers more often commit offences together with others and also have larger numbers of suspected co-offenders than the criminal entrepreneurs. On the other hand, the criminal entrepreneurs are suspected of having maintained their ties to suspected co-offenders for longer periods of time than the fixers. The fixers appear to specialise in fraud and forgery offences, whereas motoring offences, smuggling and drug offences are more common among the criminal entrepreneurs. The networks are highly male-dominated and on balance they are comprised of much older individuals than those of traditional offenders. Many of the fixers and criminal entrepreneurs are suspected of committing offences with the same co-offender for a long period of time. Further out in the networks, co-offenders are replaced more often. Tax offences are very common in both types of network, both in those parts of the network that are close to the fixers and criminal entrepreneurs, and also in more distant parts of the networks. In the more distant parts of the networks, there is also an increase in the proportion of offences that individual network members are suspected of committing. Judging from the material examined in the current study, violent offences do not appear to be very common among either fixers or criminal entrepreneurs. The networks examined are largely comprised of individuals suspected of economic offences. These individuals are linked together with one another by means of direct and indirect contacts that produce semi-legal networks of individuals with knowledge of organised black market labour.

论美国媒体及媒体外交

"媒体外交"是国际关系学科一个相对较新的研究问题。美国传媒,作为美国"软权力"的强有力的体现,美国文化产业的支柱之一,已经成为美国实施以推行政治文化为目的的媒体外交的一个有力工具,服务于美国的全球战略。     

基于网络药理学和分子对接技术探究脑络欣通治疗缺血性脑卒中的机制

目的 采用网络药理学方法探究益气活血方脑络欣通治疗缺血性脑卒中（ischemic stroke,IS）的作用机制,并通过分子对接技术进行初步验证。方法 通过TCMSP、ETCM、化学专业数据库及文献筛选脑络欣通活性成分及作用靶点,通过OMIM、DisGeNET、GeneCards以及Drugbank数据库挖掘IS相关靶点;将交集靶点导入STRING平台和Cytoscape 3.8.2软件构建PPI网络并通过拓扑分析获得核心靶点,同时构建“中药—活性成分—核心靶点—疾病”可视化网络图;运用R软件进行GO功能及KEGG通路富集分析。最后借助Auto Dock Tools软件以及PyMOL软件进行分子对接和可视化。结果 脑络欣通的潜在活性成分78个,治疗IS的潜在作用靶点200个,核心靶点包括STAT3、JUN、MAPK1、TP53等;作用较突出的活性成分包括槲皮素、β-谷甾醇、山柰酚、木犀草素等。进一步的生物功能分析获得150条信号通路,包括PI3K-AKT信号通路、HIF-1信号通路、FoxO信号通路等关键通路。分子对接结果表明关键活性成分与核心靶点之间存在分子结合位点,并有较强的结合活性。结论 益气活血方脑络欣通可能是通过多成分、多靶点协同作用于氧化应激、炎症反应、细胞凋亡、自噬等生理病理环节,从而发挥治疗IS的作用。     

浅析网络民族主义与中国国家安全

网络民族主义是指主要以互联网作为言论平台,自发表达爱国热情的一种社会现象。它具有明显的突发性、一定的自发性以及一定的非理性与理性思考相结合的特点。网络民族主义主要以民族团结和舆论导向问题为切合点,对国家安全既有积极作用,也有消极作用。中国政府应采取相应措施,包括加强网络舆论监督,培养理性的传播者、接受者队伍,建立完善的网络法律体系,采取灵活政策正确组织引导等,使当代中国网络民族主义成为维护国家安全与社会政治稳定、促进民族团结的积极因素。     

浅谈网络招聘诈骗案件的侦查

随着信息化时代的到来,互联网的开发与综合应用已经深入人心。企业为了提升在社会主义市场经济中的地位,招聘优秀人才为企业的发展注入新鲜血液和持续动力成为企业的一项重要工作。求职者也在浩如烟海的招聘领域里努力寻找着自己的坐标,网络在招聘企业和求职者之间搭建了一个广阔的信息平台。网络招聘成为网络技术在人力资源管理中应用的主要形式,金融危机的到来进一步压缩了企业在人力资源招聘中的成本,而随着我国就业压力的增大,求职者也在追求着应聘效率的最大化。网络招聘不仅节约企业的招聘成本,也为求职者提供了更为广阔的择业空间,但是网络招聘的崛起也为实施网络招聘诈骗的不法分子提供了有利的机会。侦破网络招聘诈骗案件,有利于维护就业市场秩序,有利于维护社会主义市场经济的稳定和健康发展。     

New media and governance in conflict

The role of new media in shaping the interactions of formal and informal leaders with their audiences is frequently misunderstood and often narrowly focussed on electoral processes and political competition. By weaving together strands of scholarship on political communication and political settlement while engaging with concepts of hybrid governance and leadership more prevalent in the African studies literature, this article takes a different, wider focus. We attempt to knit a framework that challenges normative assumptions on institutional communicative practices and considers the role of power, leadership and communications in both exacerbating and mitigating violent conflict in emerging and consolidating democracies. By bringing together disparate strands of scholarship that are rarely in dialogue, we question a characterisation that contrasts vertical mainstream media with more horizontal and inclusive social media, arguing that a more nuanced view of the political significance of these spaces is required, one that highlights their interplay and blurs the boundaries between online and offline. In doing so, the article places power at the centre of analysis to examine how entrenched relations of patronage can be left unscathed, transformed or even reinforced by networked forms of communication.