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排序方式： 共有1406条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Min Xie 《Justice Quarterly》2014,31(1):43-73
Police measures of crime are shaped by victims’ decisions to notify the police. To obtain a better understanding of US crime trends, this study uses the National Crime Victimization Survey to examine geographic differences and temporal trends in crime reporting in New York and other metropolitan areas for the period 1979-2004. We find that net of crime characteristics and survey methodology, the New York metropolitan area showed fewer increases in crime reporting than did other metropolitan areas. These divergent trends suggest that the real differences in the drop of nonlethal violence between New York and other areas may have been smaller than those indicated by police-based crime statistics. We also find that from the early 1990s to 2004, New York showed a sharp decrease in the likelihood of victims perceiving that “police wouldn’t help.” This trend suggests that police reforms in New York City have not resulted in more victims using police-related reasons to explain their nonreporting behavior. Instead, researchers need to develop a broader theoretical framework (not an exclusive focus on police actions) to understand how police- and nonpolice-related factors may explain the geographic variation in the trends of reporting observed in this study. 相似文献
22.
In April 2010 the New Zealand Family Court introduced the National Early Intervention Process (NEIP) to diversify its previous unitary dispute resolution pathway into two tracks (standard and urgent). A “triage” model is now in use to assess and assign cases appropriately. This article outlines the key milestones in the Family Court's 30‐year history which have led to this new initiative to reduce delays and help avoid the escalation of family conflicts over the care of children into bitter and intractable disputes. NEIP represents the most overarching reform of the Family Court since the Court's inception in 1981. 相似文献
23.
The inclusion of marginal groups is increasingly becoming part of contemporary governance. Critical appraisals categorize inclusionary mechanisms either as politically transformative or as regulative and part of the state's broader agenda of social control. In this article, we argue against both these positions and propose instead that inclusion is simultaneously regulative and transformative, that is, it is practiced in a state of—what Chantal Mouffe calls—“productive tension.” The article is divided into two parts: the first critically examines the theoretical literature on the tensions written into inclusive practices. The second part illustrates productive tensions in the case of inclusive strategies between ethnic/migrant groups and the government in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The article urges the reconceptualization of tensions and contradictions as part of the broader contours of contemporary radical democracy wherein erasures, assimilations, resistance, and transformations exist simultaneously. La inclusión de grupos marginados se está convirtiendo cada vez más en parte de la gobernabilidad contemporánea. Algunas evaluaciones críticas categorizan a los mecanismos de inclusión como políticamente transformadores o como reguladores y parte de un programa de control social más amplio por parte del estado. En este artículo argumentamos en contra de ambas posiciones y proponemos que la inclusión es simultáneamente regulativa y transformadora, es decir, es practicada en un estado de—lo que Chantall Mouffe llama—“tensión productiva.” El artículo es dividido en dos partes: la primera examina de manera crítica la literatura teórica de las tensiones que acompañan las prácticas de inclusión. La segunda ilustra las tensiones productivas en el caso de las estrategias de inclusión entre grupos étnicos/migrantes y el gobierno de Aotearoa/Nueva Zelanda. El artículo urge a la reconceptualización de las tensiones y contradicciones como parte de un entorno más amplio de la democracia radical contemporánea en donde el rechazo, asimilación, resistencia y transformación coexisten simultáneamente. 相似文献
24.
G. DOUG DAVIS 《Politics & Policy》2011,39(3):401-419
Regional trade institutions increase the local market size and attract higher foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. The new economic geography provides the theoretical model for evaluating the spatial distribution of foreign capital within a multistate market. In this article, a fixed‐effects cross‐sectional time series regression examines 109 states from 1980‐2005. The study's findings are that multilateral regional trade institutions are more likely to attract FDI inflows, and the gains in FDI inflows are highest in states with the strongest regional economy. Las instituciones de comercio regional incrementan el tamaño del mercado local y atraen una cantidad mayor de inversión extranjera directa (IED). La nueva geografía económica provee un modelo teorético para evaluar la distribución física de capital extranjero dentro de un Mercado multinacional. Una regresión de serie temporal examina ciento nueve estados de 1980 a 2005. Instituciones de comercio regional multilaterales tienen más probabilidades de atraer flujos de IED y los estados con una economía regional más fuerte tienen los mayores beneficios por el flujo de IED. 相似文献
25.
C. X. George Wei 《Asian Politics & Policy》2011,3(1):3-27
Most observers hold a positive view of China's reform since 1978 but are critical of the policies of the era of Mao Zedong, ignoring the inseparable connections between the two. This article argues that the post‐Mao era reform represents both continuity and discontinuity with the immediate past, and a complex mingling of Mao's legacy with new initiatives. The origins of many reform policies, as well as their accomplishments, could be traced back to the Mao era. They were often conditioned by, benefited from, or were built upon the outcomes of Mao's policies. These included the decisions to normalize China's relations with the United States and develop friendship with Third World countries, efforts to decentralize economic power and industrialize China without urbanization, and the move to defeat “capitalist roaders” but call Deng Xiaoping back to office. Overall, the turn toward capitalism of China has proven Mao's foresight, validated his concerns, and may be evidence of the lasting utility of Maoism. 相似文献
26.
Louisa J. Baillie B.H.Sc. B.F.A. Seyed Ali Mirijali M.S. Ph.D. Brian E. Niven B.Sc. M.Sc. Phil Blyth B.H.B. M.B.Ch.B. Ph.D. George J. Dias B.B.S. M.S. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(5):1146-1154
This study measured and assessed facial soft tissue depths (FSTDs) in adult female Chinese and New Zealand (NZ) Europeans (Caucasoids). Ultrasound was used to obtain depths at nine landmarks on 108 healthy subjects (51 Chinese, 57 NZ European), erect positioned, of same age group (18–29 years). Height and weight were also recorded. Statistical analysis focused on comparison of tissue depth between the two ancestry groups and the influence of Body Mass Index (BMI) (kg/m2). Results showed mean depth differences at Supra M2 and Infra M2 landmarks significantly greater for Chinese than Caucasoid women for all three BMI Classes (BMI <20, 20 ≤ BMI < 25, 25 ≤ BMI < 30), even BMI <20. For both groups BMI positively correlated with FSTD values at all landmarks except Labrale superius. This study enabled ancestry and BMI influence on FSTDs to be observed and compared for two distinct groups. Results add to knowledge about facial tissue depth variation. 相似文献
27.
Kent Nilsson 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(14):822-831
The aim of this case study is to explore what actors in a Swedish municipality expect from a new administrative reform (i.e., an attempt to implement the Balanced Scorecard). The findings show that the expectations on changes are highest among the politicians, moderate among the administrators, and lowest among the operative employees. The differences can be explained by the way the reform is anticipated to favor or disfavor the actors, who in turn are influenced by the actors' past experiences. Most of the expressed expectations concern expectations of the outcome of the administrative reform, but some concern expectations on the reform itself. 相似文献
28.
Raymond K.H. Chan 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):260-275
Increasing attention has been drawn to the risk posed by air pollution, a risk that has wide-ranging effects (on the environment, health, the economy, culture, urban design and politics). New environmental movements and political agendas have emerged in the past 10 years. A growing number of social groups have been formed to express their concerns and challenge established laws and rules. This paper will borrow Ulrich Beck's concepts of risk, reflexivity and sub-politics to analyse the new social movement that addresses air quality in Hong Kong. While previous environmental problems were considered manageable, air pollution is a risk that seems to defy solution. As a result of the institutional failure to deal with this risk, there has been a new alignment of interests and the emergence of a new form of politics—a sub-politics that leads to a sharing of power between established and informal politics, and the government and society. Although established political institutions have been receptive, altering the rules and increasing public participation, the extent of sub-politicization is still limited. This is due, in part, to the overall absence of reflexive self-regulation among individuals in the society, which might lead to a state of ‘disorganized irresponsibility’. 相似文献
29.
Robert Gregory 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):117-139
New Zealand has long enjoyed a reputation as a country with a corruption-free state sector, and ranks very highly on the Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (meaning its corruption levels are perceived to be extremely low). However, there is prima facie evidence to suggest that this situation may be changing, not dramatically but significantly. While the state sector changes of the 1980s and early 1990s may be having some impact on this shift, it also has to be understood in the context of wider societal changes, which are probably more decisive. After some brief conceptual clarification, the article presents three scenarios sketching past (1950s/1960s), present (1990s–2006) and future (2006–2020) social and governmental conditions thought to be relevant to corruption levels. 相似文献
30.
Ahmed Shafiqul Huque 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):269-288
Public sector management in Hong Kong was initially designed to rule the territory as a British colony. A number of changes took place in the last quarter century before Hong Kong's reintegration with China and the nature of public sector management has transformed over this period. An overview of administrative principles and practices and an analysis of changes reveal trends that were influenced by both local and international factors. The framework of traditional public administration in the territory adapted effectively to embrace the principles of new public management without much difficulty. The global economic crisis compelled the government to revise its strategies to expand public spending and adopt a further reduced role in the provision of public services. New social, economic and political challenges are driving Hong Kong to adjust to the changing circumstances and trends, and four noticeable shifts can be identified. They include shifts from an administrative to a political executive, from job cuts to job creation, from financial restraint to increased spending, and from public to private sector provision of public services. The trends are driven by local and international forces as well as the progress of democratization and political awareness in Hong Kong. 相似文献