The More Assertive and Pragmatic New Energy Policy in Putin’s Russia: Security Implications for Northeast Asia

The article examines Russia’s New Energy Policy (NEP) and its impact on Northeast Asian security and the development of the Russian Far East. In contrast to analyses highlighting competition between China and Japan for Russian resources, to the contrary it is argued here that greater cooperation among consumer states in Northeast Asia would be beneficial for Russia. Although the NEP has resulted in changes in the composition of foreign investors in Russian energy projects, the author suggests that Moscow is interested in multinational cooperation in the energy sector because it would help diversify the regional energy market and contribute to the development of the Russian Far East and eastern Siberia.

农地使用权的界定及转让探析

土地承包经营权的缺陷决定了其必须物权化为农地使用权。农地使用权是一项独立的用益物权。我国物权立法应当在确立农地使用权制度的基础上 ,允许农地使用权转让。     

论全心全意依靠工人阶级根本指导方针的现实意义及其实现途径

全心全意依靠工人阶级是我们党的根本指导方针.为什么要坚持这一方针以及如何坚持这一指导方针,是我们在建设有中国特色的社会主义过程中必须搞清楚的问题.     

论法治之法

法治的实现以法制为前提,而良法又是法治的题中之义,也是法治的有力保障.本文试图从立法原理、立法宗旨、立法程序以及法律的价值取向等方面来分析何为良法,以求探讨在法治建设中如何使立法真正走上良性的发展轨道.     

沉默权不应再"沉默"--中国确立沉默权制度的必要性和可行性分析

沉默权制度是一项旨在保护犯罪嫌疑人、被告人人权的刑事诉讼制度,它在国际上得到了广泛的认同.为了顺应世界诉讼民主化的发展、贯彻无罪推定原则和切实保护犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的人权,杜绝刑讯逼供的发生,在我国有必要确立沉默权制度.现今,在我国确立沉默权制度的立法环境、思想观念、道德价值等方面的基础已经具备,中国也完全能够确立此项制度.     

国有投资公司治理结构的特点研究

国有投资公司的治理结构,不仅仅包括法人治理结构,而且还包括所有者治理结构等内容;国有投资公司虽然与其他国有企业相比有其特殊性,但它又有着其他国有公司企业相同的改革任务;国有投资公司是国有资产管理体制改革中的产物,它的形成在很大程度上是为了解决国有资产管理体制中的问题,同具有不同于其他企业的某种改革性功能.国有产权的委托代理制应该建立在市场经济基础上,不要用党组织的组织法及政府的行政方法构建国有产权委托代理制.     

一般债权作为质押标的可操作性的探讨

一般债权作为质押标的有其存在合理性和合法性,且允许转让.其条件是设定质押的债权必须具有可转让性;必须通知原债务人.为主债权清偿期已到,入质债权清偿期未至时,质权人只能首先向其债务人要求清偿.质权的行使仍需等到作为质押标的的一般债权届满方可.第三债权人可直接向第三债务人要求偿债,按物权优于债权原则,质权应首先得到实现.     

我国体育教师劳动权利与法律救济研究

长期以来,我国体育教师劳动权利立法与保障机制缺乏,加剧了体育教师劳动维权抗辩的难度。因此如何在我国体育教师劳动立法层次结构的基础上,保护体育教师劳动权利及目前立法缺陷,提出体育教师劳动权利的法律救济,对完善我国体育教师劳动立法和保障机制有着重要的现实意义。     

Peace education in Israel: an educational goal in the test of reality

Peace education is considered a necessary element in establishing the social conditions required for promoting peace-making between rival parties. As such, it constitutes one of Israel’s state education goals, and would therefore be expected to have a significant place in Israel’s educational policy in general and in response to peace moves that have occurred during the Arab–Israeli conflict since the 1970s in particular. This article reviews the educational policy actually applied by Israel’s state education over the years as reflected in formal educational programs and school textbooks, and suggests that although some significant changes have taken place over time, there has been and still is a significant gap between the stated goal and the practice of peace education in Israel. Reasons for this disparity and its implications are discussed and possible directions are proposed for coping with this educational challenge.     

‘I do not have the means to speak:’ educating youth for citizenship in post-conflict Liberia

Although policymakers stress the importance of education in promoting peace, little research examines the ways that schools prepare students affected by conflict to participate in the restoration of peace in their political community. Post-conflict societies experience severe challenges in strengthening political processes and social cohesion. This paper discusses citizenship education at a school run by a non-governmental organization near Monrovia, Liberia, examining the implemented curriculum in an 8th grade civics classroom. The paper details the ways that young people expressed civic critiques within the classroom, and provides a counterstory to narratives of harsh and violent educational environments in the region. This classroom was a space where students and their teacher engaged in talk about contentious issues: students discussed corruption and injustice, and highlighted the relationship between economic and political power. I argue that if the goal of education is to produce engaged, effective citizens, teachers should have pedagogic support to confront the differences between the implemented curriculum and students’ lived experiences. Peace education in such contexts must include equipping students to seek justice. Furthermore, because possibilities for civic education are embedded in students’ local and national contexts, current global civic education initiatives must be adaptive to local realities.