劳动违约责任:归责原则、构成要件及立法完善

由于用人单位履行劳动合同一般要承担劳动法和劳动行政规章所规定的强制性法定义务,而劳动者履行劳动合同则一般承担合同约定的义务。因而劳动立法在设定劳动违约责任时,对劳动者应以过错责任,对用人单位应以严格责任为归责原则确定违约方的法律责任。用人单位违约,不仅应对劳动者承担违约补偿责任,而且应承担劳动行政责任。劳动者违约,则应根据劳动者违约时的主观过错状态以及用人单位由此所受实际经济损失等情形,确定其应承担的经济赔偿责任。     

论不真正连带债务

因为连带责任有加重债务人责任之嫌,故连带债务不能推定,只有在法有明确规定时法院才能判令当事人承担连带责任,但是司法实践中,法无明文规定的情况时有发生,此时法院的判决多认定当事人承担连带责任,这种法官造法必然对案件的处理产生不公正,加重了债务人的负担.文章对不真正连带债务的概念、构成要件、法律效力等有关问题进行论述,并提出一些立法、司法建议,进一步论证该制度的合理性和其实践意义,使其有益于司法需要.     

少年司法国家责任论纲

由于国家责任的缺失,限制了我国少年司法制度的宏观规划、整体布局与协同进步,以致法律体系不完善、地域差别较大、部门协作壁垒等问题一直存在。国家责任更具“宣誓”意义和政策指引价值,其与政府责任、司法机关责任存在主体不同、责任内容不同、责任实现方式不同等区别。从国家责任角度出发,应加速制定“儿童福利法”,完善儿童福利制度,理顺刑事诉讼法内部规则,细化收容教养制度,协调刑法、刑事诉讼法与其他部门法的衔接;少年司法所需经费可实行国家财政统一拨付,国家应统筹发展少年司法模式,并大力发展中西部少年司法社工组织及少年司法社工;明确司法机关、政府相关部门的责任分配,强化家庭、学校作用的发挥,积极推动公安、司法机关、政府部门与少年司法社工组织的协同发展。     

国家保护责任理论论析

国家保护责任理论以个人的主权观与安全观为核心,提出了国家与国际社会向处在危险中的人民提供生命支持保护及援助的预防责任、做出反应责任以及重建责任。国家保护责任理论是对传统的主权、安全观的重新阐释,同时也对安理会的作用进行了扩张解释。我们必须警惕国家保护责任理论以所谓普世的西方价值观来对另一个国家实施预防、反应以及重建的责任,如果不对相关的干涉行为设定必要的限制,必然会是对他国赤裸裸的干涉。     

对我国建立被害人国家补偿制度的立法思考

犯罪被害人的权利救济是现代人权保护的一个重要问题。当被害人遭受犯罪行为侵害而又难以得到充分赔偿时,为保护被害人权利,彰显社会公平,应当由国家给予一定的物质补偿。结合我国国情并借鉴国外的经验,应尽快建立我国的被害人国家补偿制度。     

中国养老保险统筹层次的改革路径与发展方向探讨

从国外经验出发,养老保险立法先行、确立时间表,通过合适的基金运作模式,各级政府的财政责任分担机制,养老保险的垂直管理和基金预算管理制度,以及历史债务和做实个人账户机制,用"三步走"的方式,先实现省级统筹,然后建立全国统一预算,分省余缺调剂的方式,逐步过渡到全国统收统支的模式,这是适合目前中国现状和社会保障未来战略发展的选择。     

略论行政违法的概念及其构成要件

行政违法是指行政主体及行政公务人员违反行政法律规范但尚未构成犯罪而应当承担行政责任的行政行为。其构成要件包括:主体为行政主体及行政公务人员,所侵害的是受行政法律规范所保护的行政关系,实施了违反行政法律规范的行为,实施行政违法行为时主观上有过错。探讨行政违法行为,对于追究行政主体及其公务人员的法律责任,推进依法行政、建设法治政府等具有重要意义。     

Clarity of responsibility and foreign policy performance voting

Do voters’ assessments of the government's foreign policy performance influence their vote intentions? Does the ‘clarity of responsibility’ in government moderate this relationship? Existing research on the United States demonstrates that the electorate's foreign policy evaluations influence voting behaviour. Whether a similar relationship exists across the advanced democracies in Europe remains understudied, as does the role of domestic political institutions that might generate responsibility diffusion and dampen the effect of foreign policy evaluations on vote choice. Using the attitudinal measures of performance from the 2011 Transatlantic Trends survey collected across 13 European countries, these questions are answered in this study through testing on incumbent vote the diffusion‐inducing effects of five key domestic factors frequently used in the foreign policy analysis literature. Multilevel regression analyses conclude that the electorate's ability to assign punishment decreases at higher levels of responsibility diffusion, allowing policy makers to circumvent the electoral costs of unpopular foreign policy. Specifically, coalition governments, semi‐presidential systems, ideological dispersion among the governing parties and the diverse allocation of the prime ministerial and foreign policy portfolios generate diffusion, dampening the negative effects of foreign policy disapproval on vote choice. This article contributes not only to the debate on the role of foreign policy in electoral politics, but also illustrates the consequential effects of domestic institutions on this relationship.     

Audit for Whom? Time to Review Roles of Independent Auditors in Hong Kong

The Hong Kong government has been reforming its laws regarding accounting practices in recent years, to pre-empt problems similar to that of Enron. It correctly recognizes an opportunity to enhance and distinguish the financial system in Hong Kong and create a competitive advantage for Hong Kong. The sixty-five billion dollar question is: what is the right approach for accounting practice reform? One obvious approach is to model reform after the Sarbanes Oxley Act (SOX). The SOX increases personal liabilities of senior management and introduces extremely cumbersome compliance processes (s 3 (b)(ix) of Minutes of Bills Committee of Financial Reporting Council Bill. (19 July 2005)). While this approach may be the right move for the United States, because rescuing investor confidence is paramount, a similar approach may not be optimal for Hong Kong. Hong Kong relies, to a great degree, on foreign investments and a heavy-handed approach may scare investments away (Charles E. Schumer &; Michael R. Bloomberg To Save New York, Learn from London, Wall Street Journal 1 Nov 2006). This paper, argues that failure of independent auditors was mainly caused by bad incentives. In particular, auditors were hired by and responsible to the management of companies. Thus, there is no surprise that auditors were less diligent in finding problems caused by management. Furthermore, proposing of an alternate to the SOA’s approach. Specifically, a new legal approach should be enforced that allows shareholders to sue auditors when failure to uncover accounting issues causes loss of shareholders’ values.     

Privatised Keynesianism: An Unacknowledged Policy Regime

There have now been two successive policy regimes since the Second World War that have temporarily succeeded in reconciling the uncertainties and instabilities of a capitalist economy with democracy's need for stability for people's lives and capitalism's own need for confident mass consumers. The first of these was the system of public demand management generally known as Keynesianism. The second was not, as has often been thought, a neo-liberal turn to pure markets, but a system of markets alongside extensive housing and other debt among low- and medium-income people linked to unregulated derivatives markets. It was a form of privatised Keynesianism. This combination reconciled capitalism's problem, but in a way that eventually proved unsustainable. After its collapse there is debate over what will succeed it. Most likely is an attempt to re-create it on a basis of corporate social responsibility.