IMF staff: Missing link in fund reform proposals

Current IMF reform proposals are preoccupied with changing governance structures by reallocating Executive Board chairs and quota shares and with expanding and altering the Fund’s surveillance role, but not enough attention has been paid to whether organizational change at the staff level is also needed. IMF staff have intellectual dominance and discretion in the design of loan conditionality, writing of surveillance reports, and provision of technical and policy advice. There are also clear internal and external criticisms of how the Fund’s organizational culture—that is perceived to be hierarchical, technical/economistic, bureaucratic, and homogeneous/conforming—negatively affects the Fund’s policy output and relationship with borrowing members. This article suggests altering ’how things are done’ at the IMF by making changes to recruitment and organizational structure.

从组织行为模式看印尼大规模社交限制政策中的中央与地方关系

面对新冠肺炎疫情,印尼政府推出了大规模社交限制政策,其显著特点是中央和地方政府共同参与防疫.印尼地方政府在这项政策的出台与实施阶段扮演着怎样的角色?中央政府与地方政府间存在怎样的联动关系?这些都可以运用艾利森提出的政府决策组织行为模式进行分析.在大规模社交限制政策的出台与实施过程中,印尼中央政府各部门、中央政府与地方政府组织的行动均相互关联,各部门间存在显著的联动关系.这种联动关系的存在以及印尼的地方自治制度使地方政府可以通过变通执行、制定特殊政策、进行反馈等方式影响中央政府的政策内容及最终实施效果.随着地方自治制度下地方政府职能的加强,作为中央政府的基层组织,地方政府不再只是机械地执行中央政府政策的工具,而是所在地区社会服务的主要提供者.     

政府行为对企业技术创新风险影响路径

采用实证方法研究了政府行为对企业技术创新风险的影响路径问题。以某高新技术开发区为实证对象验证结构方程模型,检验调查问卷结构效度及量表数据信度,应用多种拟合优度指标评价模型并计算相关参数。结果表明:政府强化知识产权保护会降低企业政治及市场环境风险,政府采购及市场扶持会降低企业市场环境风险,财税及融资支持会降低企业经济环境风险,加强软硬件环境建设会降低企业软硬件条件及人文环境风险;而企业市场环境及经济环境风险的降低会导致技术创新项目需求风险的下降,技术创新项目需求风险及企业政治环境风险的降低会导致技术创新立项决策风险的减轻,企业人文环境风险的降低会导致企业员工能力风险的下降,企业员工能力风险的下降则会导致企业管理水平风险的减轻。     

An Organization of the Theoretical Perspectives in the Field of Civic and Political Participation: Contributions to Citizenship Education

This article provides a review of the theoretical perspectives on civic and political participation. Four distinct views were identified in the literature: (a) The orthodox view: “Civic and political participation are always positive”; (b) The broad view: “Civic and political participation are multidimensional”; (c) The qualitative view: “Civic and political participation are not always good”; and (d) The nonconformist view: “The need to redeem the political dimension of participation.” This article intends to sophisticate simplistic assumptions about civic and political participation and to provide an original organization of the theoretical perspectives in this field. Based on this analysis, this article presents suggestions for an alternative approach to citizenship education.     

对落实公安部《关于县级公安机关机构设置指导意见》的几点思考

机构设置是各级公安机关的基本单元素,其设置是否科学、合理,直接影响着公安机关职能作用的发挥。笔者结合本地实际,对贯彻落实公安部《关于县级公安机关机构设置指导意见》作一粗浅的探讨。     

Why Berlusconi’s landslide return? A comment on the 2008 Italian general election

At the Italian parliamentary election of April 2008 the centre-right coalition, led by media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi, prevailed with 3.3 million votes over the centre-left coalition, led by Walter Veltroni, former mayor of Rome. This commentary analyzes the electoral results by looking at three factors which affected the vote: the institutional context, the electoral campaigns of both coalitions, and the voters’ behaviour. The article claims that the electoral outcome originated from an asymmetrical abstention of centre-left voters who did not turn out, and from a high-level of swing-voting which favoured the centre-right. It is argued that this election hardly signals a political realignment. Rather than value changes, valence politics and government performance are at the basis of the centre-right victory.      

How Initiatives Don’t Always Make Citizens: Ballot Initiatives in the American States, 1978–2004

Advocates claim that when citizens can make law through voter initiatives, they become better citizens. This paper puts that claim into context. Using data from the Current Population Survey November Supplement and American National Election Studies for each election between 1978 and 2004, it demonstrates that voter initiatives in the American states have limited effects on turnout, and on political knowledge and efficacy. Initiatives increase voters’ likelihood of turning out to vote in six of seven midterm elections under study, but show no effect on turnout at presidential elections. For knowledge among non-voters and for political efficacy among all respondents, the results show null effects; for knowledge among voters, they indicate modest effects. Electronic supplementary material  The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

从关联理论看非言语行为在课堂上的语用功能

交流在人类的各种活动中起重要作用,是所有联系的基础。非言语行为,作为交流中传递信息和揭示感情态度不可缺少的工具之一,在课堂中起着重复、否定、替代、补充、强调、调整等作用。从认知的角度看,在课堂这个特定的语境下,教师和学生也是从关联的基础出发,互相理解双方的非言语行为。     

Immigrant meanings of citizenship: mobility,stability, and recognition

ABSTRACT

Based on interviews with 21 immigrants in Norway, including both naturalized citizens and ‘denizens’, this article addresses immigrant meanings of citizenship and naturalization. The findings show that the interviewees attributed three meanings to citizenship. First, Norwegian citizenship served as a powerful means of spatial mobility, thereby facilitating transnational connections. Second, citizenship signified a legal stability that may guard precarious immigrants against ‘liminal legality’, i.e. enduring legal uncertainty. Third, citizenship was conceptualized as a formal recognition of equality and belonging, although ‘race’ and ethnicity persisted as salient markers of inequality and alienage. The article contributes empirically to the growing literature on the experiencing side of citizenship and naturalization by delineating what citizenship means to different groups, and to whom it matters the most. Theoretically, it contributes by demonstrating that citizenship acquisition may not only be strategic, but also rooted in needs of symbolic sanctioning of equality and belonging, particularly important to individuals debarred from naturalization.     

强激励效应扩张:科层组织注意力分配与中国城市市政支出的“上下”竞争(1999—2010)

科层组织任务间竞争关系是国家治理结构失衡背后的科学问题。基于中国城市“逢雨必涝”的现象,从组织注意力分配的角度,对287个地级以上城市1999—2010年市政路桥和排水支出“上下”竞争的实证研究表明,中国科层组织绩效易测任务对不易测任务的争夺是权威体制下强激励效应扩张的结果。首先,权威体制背景下,强激励通过相对绩效和短期政绩信号两个机制塑造了这一竞争关系。其次,除了直接效应外,强激励还存在扩张效应——既构成(沟通系统集权化改革、本领域及其他领域组织任务注意力争夺等)强化这一争夺的因素起作用的前提,也造成了(监督方行政控制、代理方机构设置及外部事件央媒问责等)防止这一争夺的因素的失效。这一发现对现有组织理论及国家治理结构调整实践均有重要参考价值。