论规范垄断协议行为的立法完善

我国《反垄断法》对垄断协议的规制已不适应现实需求,其在垄断协议定义上存在涵盖过宽问题,应当将其严格限定在实质性排除、限制竞争的范围内;其在垄断协议的分类上存在划分过于简单化问题,应当在目前所作的分类基础上引入一个兜底条款;其在垄断协议的规制原则上存在意思表达不明问题,应当对自身所持的态度作出精确阐述;其在维持转售价格的规制上存在因噎废食问题,应当将重点放在其被滥用情形的防治上;其在垄断协议的豁免制度上存在应对机制不全问题,应当通过科学的安排对相应情形加以补充并作出指引。     

Safeguard Measures under the China-Australia FTA: The WTO-Compatibility Perspective

Since the Sino-Australia Free Trade Agreement came into force, the possibility of applying safeguard measures is also increasing along with the rapid growth of their bilateral trade. There are different approaches of applying bilateral and global safeguard measures in the FTAs, in addition to the WTO-compatibility requirements, under the multilateral trading system. GATT Article 24 neither entitles nor forbids applying the bilateral safeguard measures in the FTA context straightforwardly. However, requirements by the Safeguards Agreement as well as the ‘parallelism principle’ as established in dispute settlements must be complied with when a party excluding its FTA partner from its application of global safeguards, otherwise its WTO-compatibility will be challenged.     

仲裁协议效力扩张若干问题研究

近年来,仲裁在民商事争端解决中的地位得以不断提升,可仲裁事项、仲裁主体范围等仍在不断扩大。一个突出表现为仲裁协议的效力在特定情况下,可以向非书面签约第三人延伸。这是一个在仲裁制度发展中重要而复杂的新课题,需要从理论上进行探讨和阐释。本文对仲裁协议效力扩张的情形进行归纳和总结,着重介绍仲裁协议效力扩张的法理基础和政策考虑,对仲裁协议效力扩张所面临的法律障碍进行了分析。     

五国联防组织的演进与前景

五国联防组织不是纯粹意义上的地区安全联盟,而是近代殖民体系在冷战时期的历史产物,反映了各参与国对地区安全形势与国际格局的现实关切。成立40多年来,五国联防组织建立了多层管理与协商机制和教育培训机构,组织了高层协商和行动安排,提升了各方协同行动的能力。在各方的共同努力下,五国联防组织的军事演习项目不断扩展,协调机制逐渐加强,规模不断扩大,技术水平不断提升,使命不断更新。尽管仍存在一些问题,但五国联防组织总体上加强了共同作战和协同能力,保障了各国的个别与共同安全利益,增强了各国的综合能力,维护了地区和平与稳定,以及增进了各国的外交关系。     

Regulating public procurement in Brazil,India, and China: Toward the regulatory-developmental state

Since the 1990s, emerging economies such as Brazil, India, and China have adopted transparency-enhancing public procurement regulations in line with international norms. Yet they have hesitated to join the World Trade Organization's legally binding Government Procurement Agreement (GPA). Based on the Special Issue framework, this article scrutinizes the underlying domestic and international determinants, and how they influence emerging countries’ positions in two overlapping international procurement regimes. In particular, reform-oriented state actors, societal pressure, and lesson-drawing from international templates have induced a strengthening of domestic procurement institutions and turned emerging countries into “promoters” of the international transparency regime. Conversely, the rising powers have remained, to varying degrees, reluctant “spoilers” of the GPA-based market access regime in order to keep policy space and use procurement for domestic development objectives. The article suggests that this regulatory-developmental layering of rule-based governance and interventionist ambitions characterizes the variegated regulatory state in emerging countries.     

论公私合作伙伴关系在我国的实践及其法律框架构建

自1992年在英国正式问世以来,公私合作伙伴关系(PPP)已成为许多国家政府实现经济目标及提升公共服务水平的核心理念和措施之一。尽管PPP在中国实践中遭遇到某些制度性困惑,但其在中国的发展正当其时,前景广阔,是中国公用事业领域改革必选的制度安排之一。PPP法律框架的建立必须遵守透明、公正和长期承诺的原则。     

我国商业银行面临的主要问题及解决对策

目前,我国商业银行发展迅速,初步形成了银行体系,同时经营范围扩大,资金规模增加标志着银行发展进入了全新的时代。但不容忽视的是,我国商业银行面临着诸多问题亟待解决,在金融市场逐步对外开放的背景下,机遇与挑战并存,只有解决存在的问题,全面提升银行的实力才能使银行得到全面发展。     

Associations between Parent and Child Reports Of Interparental Conflict/Violence And Child Difficulties in A Family Mediation Setting*

We examined the association between parents’ (N = 52 mothers and 52 fathers) and children's (N = 27) reports of interparental conflict and child difficulties in a family mediation setting. Parents’ reports of conflict were moderately associated with children's reports of exposure to parental conflict, but only fathers’ reports of conflict were associated with children's reports of negative responses to parent conflict. While mothers and fathers agreed on their child's difficulties, only mothers’, not fathers’, report of child difficulties were moderately related to child reports of child difficulties. Mothers’ and fathers’ reports of conflict generally were not strongly associated with reports of child difficulties. In contrast to parent reports, children's reports of exposure to parents’ conflict were moderately and significantly related to self‐reported child difficulties and moderately related to parents’ reports of child academic difficulties. The magnitude of the association between the child's report of interparental conflict and self‐report of difficulties was stronger than the association between parent report of conflict and parent report of child difficulties, suggesting that parents may not fully understand their child's exposure to parent conflict/violence or the problems their child is experiencing.

Key Points for the Family Court Community:
• Family law stakeholders prioritize the creation of parenting arrangements that are in the best interest of the child; however, it is unclear how to gather information about the child and the child's perspective in order to inform such arrangements.
• The study results suggest that parents may not agree with each other or with the child about important family issues, such as parent conflict and child difficulties. For example, parents may not fully understand their child's exposure to parental conflict/violence when in the midst of custody negotiations.
• More research is needed to determine the best method for gathering information about the child during custody proceedings. In the meantime, it is important to gather information from multiple sources and to consider the agreement and differences across such sources of information.

     

Transparency in multilateral climate politics: Furthering (or distracting from) accountability?

This article analyzes the interplay between transparency and accountability in multilateral climate politics. The 2015 Paris Agreement calls for a “pledge‐and‐review” approach to collective climate action with an “enhanced transparency framework” as a key pillar of the Agreement. By making visible who is doing what, transparency is widely assumed to be vital to holding countries to account and building trust. We explore whether transparency is generating such effects in this context, by developing and applying an analytical framework to examine the link between transparency and accountability. We find that the scope and practices of climate transparency reflect (rather than necessarily reduce) broader conflicts over who should be held to account to whom and about what, with regard to responsibility and burden sharing for ambitious climate action. We conclude that the relationship between transparency and accountability is less straightforward than assumed, and that the transformative promise of transparency needs to be reconsidered in this light.