群体性治安事件处置过程中的战术运用

群体性治安事件是我国当前一个突出的社会问题,灵活运用各种战术手段,并结合各种队形及装备的使用,是公安机关处置群体性治安事件的关键。     

用“十六届三中全会”精神指导公安经侦工作

公安机关经侦部门和全体经侦民警要在“三个代表”和“十六届三中全会”精神指导下 ,深入学习和贯彻落实中共中央《关于完善社会主义市场经济体制若干问题的决定》和《关于进一步加强和改革公安工作的决定》 ,积极参与整顿和规范市场经济秩序工作 ,最大限度地预防重大经济犯罪的发生 ,最大限度地减少经济犯罪对国家、集体和个人财产造成的损失 ,最大限度地减轻经济犯罪对国家经济安全带来的危害 ;严厉打击经济犯罪。     

办好社院学报推进统战理论创新为加强党的执政能力建设服务--在第六次全国社院学报工作研讨会上的讲话

社院学报是社会主义学院教学科研工作乃至学院总体建设不可或缺的重要组成部分,是反映社院教学科研的重要窗口,是反映统一战线理论研究成果、宣传党的统一战线方针、政策的重要阵地;社院学报要立足社院,立足统战,要坚持自己的特色;社院学报工作要以学习贯彻全国社院工作会议精神和十六届四中全会精神为契机,抓住机遇谋发展,推动统一战线理论创新,为爱国统一战线提供有力的精神动力和理论支持,为加强党的执政能力建设服务.     

从白皮书看越南国防战略的调整与变化

2019年底,越南时隔10年第四次发布国防白皮书.越南选择在人民军建军75周年之际发布该白皮书,引起了各方的关注.《2019年越南国防》主要基于地缘环境的变化对国防政策进行调整,提出了今后国防和军队建设的方向,或直接或间接地回应了各方对越南在国防预算、南海问题、越美关系和中越关系等方面政策的关注.在《2019年越南国防》中,国防政策调整为新和平自卫政策,即坚持持久斗争,在国际法基础上以和平方式解决所有争端和分歧,实施"及早远程防卫,随时反侵略战争"的方针.今后的国防建设方向,则调整为以军区防守为引导,建设更高水平的区域防守.在军队建设方面,人民军朝着军种化等方向调整编制,提高武器装备的自给能力,外购部分先进武器,至2030年完成现代化.由于直接或间接融汇了21世纪以来相关领域的理论研究成果,尤其是近年来制定的多份战略文件,该白皮书的理论化程度更高,系统性、逻辑性更强.与前三份白皮书相比,《2019年越南国防》更多的是对相关领域的系统化发展,内容非常新,信息量非常大,非常具有现实意义,各项政策至少对今后10年都具有较强的指导性.     

Southern voices in peace education: interrogating race,marginalisation and cultural violence in the field

Three gaps seem to be present within the literature of peace education: relatively little self-critique of the internal workings of the field; a dearth of studies featuring the personal narratives of peace educators; and an underrepresentation of peace educators from the Global South. To address these three gaps, this qualitative investigation explores the personal narratives of Latin American, Asian and African peace educators and critiques certain assumptions and norms underlying the field. We primarily draw on Galtung’s concept of cultural violence, Bajaj’s critical peace education and Connell’s Southern Theory to make our critiques. We examine 13 semi-structured interviews using grounded theory analysis. Three themes relating to cultural and structural violence emerge from these interviews: discriminatory hurdles for Southern peace educators, intercultural tensions in the classroom and linguistic inequality in opportunities for professional mobility. These may or may not reflect the experiences of other peace educators from the Global South or minority practitioners working within the Global North. But by discussing these forms of violence, we hope to show the value of foregrounding the perspectives and lived experiences of underrepresented groups – not only in peace education but also in academia more broadly.     

Joint sector reviews—M&E experiments in an era of changing aid modalities: Experiences from JSRs in the education sectors of Burkina Faso,Mali and Niger

Aid policy and practice have been thoroughly shaken up over the past few years. One of the reform areas relates to monitoring and evaluation (M&E). In short, aid recipients are asked to elaborate result‐oriented frameworks while donors are expected to harmonise and align their policies and frameworks. This article examines the extent to which joint sector reviews (JSRs) could take the M&E reform agenda forward. JSRs are M&E exercises at the sector level which have the potential to satisfy the M&E needs of various stakeholders while, at the same time, also contributing to the M&E reform agenda. They are increasingly utilised on the ground, yet, so far, there do not exist any systematic stocktakings and/or analyses of them. Our own analysis of a sample of JSRs from the education sectors of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger indicate that JSRs score highly on harmonisation, coordination, leadership and broad‐based participation, but poorly on alignment. They generally prioritise accountability over learning needs and largely neglect accountability and learning at the level of the sector institutional apparatus. In this article, findings from the field are contrasted with insights from evaluation theory and practice so as to provide suggestions for on the ground JSR improvements. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Pan-European thought in British fascism: the International Third Position and the Alliance for Peace and Freedom

Shaffer’s article explores pan-Europeanism in post-war British fascism by examining the International Third Position (ITP) and the Alliance for Peace and Freedom (APF). More marginal than the National Front and the British National Party, these groups never sought electoral influence or attracted a noteworthy membership. However, the ITP and the APF served as an important expression of extremist thought after the National Front and British National Party suffered from declining support. Both notably involved Nick Griffin and Roberto Fiore—who played significant roles in post-war fascism—although their involvement has not been explored in detail. By examining their activities, Shaffer argues that the pan-Europeanism of the ITP and the APF represented an evolution of British fascism that focused on foreign audiences and non-electoral goals. Despite containing elements of pan-Europeanist thought that existed in the NF and the BNP, they sought a purer and more exclusive objective with a strictly international focus.     

U.S. Intransigence and the Climate Change Reality

This essay is a response to the U.S. decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement and a rejoinder to Donald Trump’s allegations against India and China. It argues that U.S. intransigence poses a serious threat to the multilateral efforts to redress the climate change crisis.     

Essence of Negotiation: Understanding Appeasement and “The Great Munich Stereotype”

The relative merits of rational choice and behavioral approaches to the study of negotiation continue to be hotly debated. This article tests qualitative postdictions (assertions or deductions about something in the past) from these paradigms as well as the alternative approach of new institutional theory against the extensive record of negotiation process, contractual form, and contract implementation from the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. I find the incomplete relational form of the peace treaty to be consistent with the behavioral and new institutional concepts and find that only behavioral theory can explain how unilateral German moves unraveled the treaty during the 1930s. But the historical record further reveals that the close fit between the behavioral paradigm and these events is more than coincidence. I also discuss the role of conference participants, particularly John Maynard Keynes and Walter Lippmann, in establishing the basis for modern behavioral science. The behavioral paradigm emerged from efforts to understand and fix serious policy mistakes such as those made in the peace negotiations. The study of human error was intended to serve as the basis for broad‐based organizational solutions. Finally, I discuss the impact of “the Munich stereotype” on such recent events as the planning for the American invasion and reconstruction of Iraq; such examples suggest continued imperfections in the system of organized intelligence that has actually evolved in the United States.     

中国国家人权机构的建立与完善——以《巴黎原则》为基础

自2004年“国家尊重和保护人权”的条款写入宪法以来,完善人权的国内保护逐渐成为人权保障的核心。1993年,联合国大会通过了《促进和保护人权的国家机构的地位原则》（简称巴黎原则）,为各国在国家人权机构的建立和完善方面确立了基本原则。通过对巴黎原则的研究,能够建立起符合国际标准国家人权机构,对人权的国内保护大有裨益。