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51.
当前,民主党派要切实履行参政党职能、提高参政能力建设,就必须重视自身能力建设.加强参政党自身建设具有一定的客观必然性,这是由参政党的地位、性质和特点所决定的.参政党加强自身建设的总体目标是,实现思想观念、组织结构、政治功能和活动方式的现代化.要以思想建设为核心,以组织建设为基础,以制度建设为保障,以作风建设为动力,切实加强自身建设,增强自身的凝聚力、战斗力、团结力.  相似文献   
52.
民主监督是我国参政党的两大职能之一,是以权利制约权力的监督形式.它既是人民民主权利的重要体现,也是多党合作制度赋予民主党派的权利和职责.本文在分析参政党民主监督的定位和民主监督权利体系的基本要素的基础上,从参政党建设的角度探讨这一权利有效行使亟须解决的若干问题.  相似文献   
53.
ABSTRACT

After winning the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections and subsequently taking control of the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2007, the Palestinian Hamas – a hybrid political, social and military actor – undertook a complex process to ascertain authority and control over Gaza. The article focuses on understanding Hamas’s performance as a political party and a “rebel government” as well as the impact of this newly acquired role on the group’s strategy. Relying on primary sources, field-work and interviews with members of the Hamas government and its security sector, the study looks at Hamas’s role as a security provider and analyses the complex relationship between the institutionalized security sector and the group’s insurgent armed wing. Examining Hamas’s logic as a security provider and exploring the inherent tensions between political and insurgent logics allows for a better understanding of both the rebel group’s role as a political actor and the broader challenges behind the successful rebel-to-political transformations of non-state armed organizations. In doing so it contributes to the emerging literature on non-state actors’ shifts between ballots and bullets and on their potential role as alternative governance providers.  相似文献   
54.
合法性是政党执政的基础。建国初期党在对民主党派的政策与实践活动方面进行了大量探索,有效整合了社会各阶级、阶层的利益,获得了各民主党派的价值认同、制度认同和利益认同,拓展了执政的合法性资源,巩固了执政基础。  相似文献   
55.
A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control.  相似文献   
56.
ABSTRACT

Research on the leaderships and electorates of populist right-wing parties emphasizes that most of these parties are charismatic and male-dominated, both as regards their leaderships and their voters. However, while studies about the gender gap focus mainly on demand-side factors, such as electoral support, socio-economic characteristics and the voters’ attitudes towards issues such as immigration, those that analyse the role and position of gender issues are still rare. Similarly, or even more, overlooked is an analysis of the rhetoric, style, charisma and discourse of populist female leaders, such as those representative of two now well-established Scandinavian populist right-wing parties: the Dansk Folkeparti (DF, Danish People’s Party) and Norway’s Fremskrittspartiet (FrP, Progress Party). Both parties have long been led by women although Pia Kjærsgaard of the DF recently stepped down, leaving the party leadership to Kristian Thulesen Dahl, a man of the younger generation of party members; Siv Jensen in Norway smoothly followed the long-term and charismatic leadership of Carl I. Hagen in 2006. The main focus of the paper, however, is on Pia Kjærsgaard, discussing the role gender plays in relation to her style, rhetoric and/or discursive strategies, but also in the gendered constructions featured in the Danish mainstream media. In the article, Meret also refers to the case of Marine Le Pen and the Front national (FN) in order to consider whether the Nordic cases represent a specific framework for female leadership, highly influenced by context and opportunity.  相似文献   
57.
The three televised leaders’ debates dominated the 2010 general election campaign. The House of Lords Communications Committee report on Broadcast General Election Debates is the product of a welcome but belated public inquiry into their organisation and conduct. The report is supportive of the view that ‘broadcast general election debates should take place during future campaigns’ and makes a number of cautious recommendations to the broadcasters. At the time of writing it was unclear whether the format proposed by the broadcasters for 2015 would be an improvement on that for 2010—or even if there would be any debates at all.  相似文献   
58.
90年来,中国共产党团结各民主党派和无党派人士,使多党合作事业不断创新,焕发生机与活力.70年前,民盟的创建者和早期领导人同共产党和衷共济,为新中国的诞生作出了重大贡献.改革开放以来,民盟充分发挥界别优势,集中全盟智慧,将参政议政活动推向一个较高的层次.  相似文献   
59.
随着我国食品安全、环境污染、公共设施致人损害等社会问题层出不穷,公共利益的保护越来越受到人们的重视,仅依靠政府管理、舆论监督以及传统的民事及行政诉讼等方式,已经不足以保护社会公众利益,更不能及时发现及解决损害公共利益的行为,如何利用有限的司法资源最大限度的保护社会公共利益,如何充分发挥和实现每一个公民保护公众利益的权利是值得我们认真思考的问题。本文拟从建立我国民事公益诉讼的几个重要问题提出设想,以期建立一种行之有效的公益保护途径。  相似文献   
60.
中国共产党诞生80年来,坚持把马克思主义建党理论与中国共产主义运动相结合,取得了举世瞩目的成就.以江泽民为核心的第三代中央领导集体,承前启后,继往开来,进一步丰富和发展了马克思主义建党理论,形成了比较完整的党建理论体系,为无产阶级政党走向新的胜利奠定了坚实的理论基础.  相似文献   
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