李达统战思想初探

李达同志作为最早在中国传播马克思主义的先驱者和中国共产党的创建者之一,在中国近代政治史上具有重要地位.李达同志虽然有过暂时的脱党期,但其关于阶级联合、国共合作、民族联合、建立国际反帝统一战线的观点始终和党中央保持一致,并根据中央的安排,具体从事了对唐生智、冯玉祥、程潜等的统战工作,因此,李达的统战思想应该被视为中国共产党统一战线成果的一部分.     

Pakistan: Crisis of a Frontline State

For more than 50 years, Pakistan has functioned as imperialism's “frontline state.” The military has remained the country's dominant political player and the basic precepts of bourgeois democracy remain conspicuous by their absence. Since the military coup in October 1999, the configuration of power in Pakistan has become subject to serious internal contradictions, in large part because of the “war on terror” and the loss of public prestige of the military. These contradictions have intensified in the wake of a lawyer-led street movement sparked by the military top brass' dismissal of the country's chief justice in March 2007. Since then the country's most well-known politician, Benazir Bhutto, has been assassinated and her Pakistan People's Party has swept to power in general elections held in February 2008. However, the crisis of the frontline state has not ebbed, and the oligarchic system of power remains subject to rupture.     

Singapore's National Day Rally speech: A site of ideological negotiation

This article analyses the inaugural National Day Rally speeches of three Singapore prime ministers. It locates these speeches in the continuous ideological work that the People's Action Party (PAP) government has to do in order to maintain consensus and forge new alliances among classes and social forces that are being transformed by globalisation. Increasingly, these speeches have had to deal with the contradictions between nation-building and the tensions between the liberal and reactionary tendencies of the global city. It is argued that such a situation has made it futile for the government to attempt a straightforward ideological mobilisation of the people into a relatively homogeneous national community. The PAP government's ideological struggle to forge consensus has been balanced by a strategy of divide-and-rule. Ironically, the rally speeches have been as much about dividing as they have been about uniting.     

Integration or separation? Nationality groups in the US and the Republican Party's ethnic politics, 1960s–1980s

Using examples of American Latvians, Estonians and Ukrainians in the states of Minnesota, New Jersey and New York this article explores the ambiguous nature of integration of nationalities groups inside the Republican Party during the 1960s–1980s. Based on the analysis of available archival information, it is shown that the Republican Party intentionally brought in the ethnics during the discussed period and created the Nationalities Sections within specific electoral campaigns, Nationalities Divisions inside the state party organizations and the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council within the Republican National Committee in order to recruit the ethnics and engage in the partisan struggle with the Democrats. Consequently, the nationalities were given a sense of importance, but little real power to actually influence the internal processes inside the party. At the same time, the nationalities eagerly responded to the invitation to join the Republican national and state-level organizations specifically designed for the ethnics. Yet in doing this they perceived themselves primarily as ethnics with a distinct, mainly anti-communist, agenda and only secondarily thought of themselves as Americans dedicated to Republican politics. Consequently, the Republican political strategy of creating Nationalities Sections and Divisions seemed to integrate the ethnics on the surface, while in reality intensifying political separation and even ghettoization of the ethnics in American politics. This research initiates a larger project, which will compare the Republican and Democratic strategies of directly involving ethnic groups and minorities inside the party organizations in the second part of the twentieth century.     

SPLM–NCP asymmetrical power relations jeopardise the implementation of the CPA and the future of the Sudan

ABSTRACT

The political instability that has characterised Sudanese politics since independence is attributable to political exclusion, economic neglect and marginalisation. Discrimination based on religion, language and culture has constituted the main contradictions between the masses of the Sudanese people (periphery) and the politically dominant Arabised Nubians (centre) in all the different politico-ideological hues experienced by the nation. Attempts to resolve this contradiction have left the structural imbalances inherited from the colonial administration of the Sudan intact. This explains the resurgence of war, particularly in Southern Sudan. The recent peace agreements between the National Congress Party (NCP), namely the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A); the Darfur Peace Agreement with the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) (Minawi); the Cairo Agreement with the National Democratic Alliance and the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement with the Eastern Sudan Front, have left the NCP still in firm control of the oppressive state machinery. The CPA power-sharing protocol awarded the NCP a majority which institutionalises a power asymmetry that the NCP utilises to obstruct implementation of the CPA and delay the process of democratic transformation.

This article analyses the asymmetry in the NCP–SPLM partnership and power relationship. It assumes that the tragic death of Dr. John Garang de Mabior is a major cause of the political weakness demonstrated by the SPLM since 2005. This power imbalance jeopardises the CPA implementation and the future of the Sudan as a state.     

共产党人先进性对强化军魂意识的时代价值

共产党人的先进性,从整体上说就是党的先进性,因此永葆党的先进性,对强化军魂意识具有着根本性价值,包括认同价值和促进价值;共产党人的先进性,从个体上说就是党员的先进性,因此永葆每一个共产党员的先进性,对强化军魂意识具有着主体性价值,包括中介价值、示范价值和保证价值;党的先进性和党员先进性是高度统一的,因此新形势下深入开展共产党员先进性教育,是永葆共产党人先进性的现实基础,对我们强化军魂意识有着重要的发展性价值,包括基础价值和着力价值等。     

贵阳市新农村建设中村党支部建设研究

针对贵阳市新农村建设中村党支部建设的现状,存在的问题,要搞好贵阳市新农村建设中村党支部建设,必须要从五个方面下功夫:一是提高认识,摆正农村党建的位置;二是抓住根本,完善农村党建制度;三是明确目标,紧抓农村党建的重点工作;四是充分发挥远程教育在提升素质中的积极作用;五是改革村级党组织设置方式。     

论深入开展社会主义核心价值体系建设

党中央提出社会主义核心价值体系建设,既是社会主义和谐社会建设和意识形态建设的需要,也是促进马克思主义学习型政党建设和社会主义伦理道德建设的需要。社会主义核心价值体系是指在马克思主义指导下,坚持社会主义共同理想、坚持中华民族精神和时代精神、坚持社会主义荣辱观的价值体系。其中马克思主义指导思想是灵魂,中国特色社会主义共同理想是主题,民族精神和时代精神是精髓,社会主义荣辱观是基础。建设社会主义核心价值体系,要加强党的领导和管理,加强舆论宣传和思想政治工作,改进党员干部的教育培训和理论研究工作,从党组织和个人两个方面共同努力。     

中国共产党的执政经验和历史使命

中国共产党的执政经历了革命根据地的局部执政、在过渡时期的全国执政和在社会主义社会的全国执政三个执政阶段。根据从局部执政到全国执政的长期实践,党执政的基本经验是：重视民心、民主、民生;抓好经济建设、民主政治建设和法制建设,不断从自在执政走向自觉执政;正确地处理好执政党与政权、执政党与参政党、执政党与社会（人民群众）、执政党与法律等重大关系;加强党的执政能力建设和先进性建设。中国共产党肩负着三个层次的历史使命。     

公众参与：执政党政策合法性的新来源

执政党依靠制定和实施公共政策实现对社会的治理。执政党的政策能否得到广泛的认同和支持直接影响到执政党自身的合法性,因此执政党必然通过各种渠道和方式强化其与民众的联系。改革开放以来,中国共产党通过一系列制度和机制的创新,特别是倡导和鼓励公众参与,使执政党政策的合法性途径更为多元,这不仅实质性地提高了执政党的执政能力,有效地降低了执政成本,也为建构社会主义和谐社会提供了重要的制度平台。