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261.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):83-85
ABSTRACT Enoch Powell's ‘rivers of blood’ speech, delivered forty years ago, in April 1968, had a significant impact on British politics. Commentators are divided between those who have defended Powell's remarks and those who have condemned them. Hillman evaluates the responses, and reassesses the speech. He focuses on five key issues: Powell's motives; whether the speech was racist and/or racialist; the relationship between the speech and Conservative Party policies; Powell's electoral impact; and his forecasts with regard to numbers of people with minority ethnic backgrounds within the population. 相似文献
262.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):217-238
ABSTRACT The New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense has been a cause du scandale since it was formed in the early 1990s. Indeed, the Anti-Defamation League has described it as ‘the largest organized anti-Semitic and racist black militant group in America’. It is somewhat surprising, then, that there has been very little detailed analysis of the party and its activities. Mulloy begins to fill this gap by outlining the origins and development of the party, and by closely examining the ongoing dispute between the New Black Panthers and surviving members of the original Black Panther Party—established by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California in 1966—over the right to claim the name, the history and the legacy of the Panthers in the United States. Critically assessing the strategies and actions of the New Black Panthers, Mulloy argues that its high-profile, media-centred approach to political activism has largely been a failure with regard to its overall aim of reviving the Black Power movement in the United States. 相似文献
263.
李亚洲 《中国延安干部学院学报》2012,(1):77-85,62
俄共建立20年来,其发展受到俄罗斯政党政治演变的制约和重大影响。与此同时,俄共在俄罗斯政党政治的发展过程中扮演了极其重要的角色,尤其是1993年恢复重建以来,俄共的存在促进了俄罗斯政党政治的规范和完善,对俄罗斯政党政治的发展起着特殊的作用。但是俄共在参加政党政治的问题上仍然存在诸多的难题。俄共的发展应当引起整个俄罗斯社会的关注,而俄共自身更应痛定思痛,通过改革重新走向复兴之路。 相似文献
264.
当前党员干部中存在的“精神懈怠”现象表现出根源性、隐蔽性、传染性和差异性特征,严重影响了党员干部的思想观念、工作作风及工作能力。精神懈怠现象产生的原因是多方面的,必须多策并举、辨证施治。根据组织行为学的“激励”理论,完善党员干部工作中的激励机制将是一条行之有效的治理举措。具体地说,应以内激励增动力,通过理论创新、教育灌输和文化熏陶等,建构共产党人先进的精神、理想和信仰体系,培育并形成自强不息、昂扬向上的精神动力,促使党员干部不想懈怠;以外激励加推力,通过制度保障、群众参与和科技推动等,形成激励与约束共存、管理与监督并重的良性环境,促使党员干部不能懈怠;以正激励添引力,顺应人的正当的精神和物质需求,采取满足、促进和奖励措施,促使党员干部不愿懈怠;以负激励增压力,通过严格问责、严肃惩戒,形成对党员干部潜在惰性的强大威慑,促使党员干部不敢懈怠。 相似文献
265.
覃海逢 《广西警官高等专科学校学报》2012,(2):61-63,76
高校党建是大学生思想政治教育的重要组成部分,充分发挥党建在思想政治教育中的作用,以推进高校党建和大学生思想政治教育。 相似文献
266.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):343-366
ABSTRACTHorsti's article analyses how transformations in the media environment shaped the political success of the anti-immigration movement in Finland from 2003 to 2013. The qualitative textual analysis of blogs and mainstream media debates that relate to racism and the national populist Finns Party demonstrates how changes in the mediascape in general and in new media technology in particular have provided opportunities for the emerging anti-immigration movement. These changes facilitated the earlier development of the Finns Party but the fragmentation of online space later hindered the internal coherence of the movement and its integration into the populist party political family. In order to regain unity, the Finns Party performed the public scapegoating of individuals for racist speech, thus distancing itself from racism. Horsti shows that, rather than being isolated and marginal, the anti-immigration movement and the ‘uncivil’ public sphere overlap with traditional politics and the mainstream media. 相似文献
267.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):271-293
ABSTRACTNotwithstanding the endemic failure of extreme-right parties in Britain, the British National Party (BNP) observed a period of electoral growth in the 2000s. After the election of several city councillors nationwide, the BNP experienced an electoral breakthrough in the national ballot of the 2009 European Parliament elections. Yet the BNP's electoral accomplishments dissipated in the early 2010s, fuelling predictions of the party's terminal decline. Within this context, Carvalho seeks to explain the fluctuations observed in the BNP's electoral base in the twentieth-first century by exploring the structure of political opportunities alongside the strategy of the BNP's leadership. Drawing on the convergence thesis and the decline of voting along class lines, he argues that the BNP benefitted from a favourable set of political opportunities in the 2000s, reflecting the decrease in political polarization among mainstream parties, the rise in levels of public distrust, and the intense politicization of the issue of immigration. Despite a general shift to cultural xenophobia, the BNP's leadership remained attached to the ideological traits of neo-fascist parties, including the search for a ‘palingenetic rebirth’ and a national corporatist economic programme. These ideological formulae had important implications for the scope of the BNP's electoral coalition, as Carvalho demonstrates in a review of the secondary literature on the roots of the BNP's electoral support. Consequently, the BNP's electoral growth in the 2000s was the outcome of an interplay between a favourable window of opportunity in British politics and the party's electoral appeal. Carvalho goes on to link the BNP's electoral collapse in the early 2010s with the closing of the aforementioned window after the onset of the financial crisis, a temporary lack of political interest in the issue of immigration, and the formation of the coalition government in 2010. 相似文献
268.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):157-177
Abstract To date, Latvia's student corps have remained a neglected topic in the country's political history, notwithstanding the size of these organisations and the fact that they have been in existence for more than a century. Those accounts that do exist have for the most part been written by corps members themselves, and have not included any real analysis of the corps' interaction with society or their role in Latvian political life. A study of these issues opens up new avenues towards a better understanding of the activity and influence of interest groups in Latvian politics during the 1920s and 1930s. Unlike many other social organisations, the student corps (also including the alumni societies) are often seen as linked to the activity of the major parties, to the coup d'état of 1934 and to radical Latvian nationalism. 相似文献
269.
Sarah Worthington 《The Modern law review》2012,75(1):112-121
The Supreme Court's unanimous decision in Belmont Park Investments Pty Ltd v BNY Corporate Trustee Services Ltd and Lehman Brothers Special Financing Inc is of major significance to lenders, especially those in the global structured finance market. This case confirms the validity of commonly used insolvency‐triggered secured‐priority flip clauses, and, more generally, suggests a dramatically reduced role for the common law anti‐deprivation principle. The decision may not fully resolve market uncertainty, however, given the particular analysis adopted in the case itself (analysed here) and its divergence from the US statutory approach to the same principle. 相似文献
270.
In Opinion 1/2010, the Article 29 Data Protection Working Party has provided additional guidance concerning the concepts of ‘controller’ and ‘processor’ contained in Directive 95/46/EC. This guidance aims to assist practitioners in their determination of whether an entity is acting as a controller or as a processor towards a particular data processing operation. Despite the fact that this opinion is informative, the existing framework still appears to leave room for a considerable amount of legal uncertainty. This uncertainty is attributable in part to the nature of the existing concepts, but also (and perhaps to a larger extent) to their apparent misalignment with current processing realities. In this paper, the author seeks to articulate why the existing concepts often remain difficult to apply in practice, in order to enable a constructive reflection on how these issues might be addressed in the future. 相似文献