论"三个代表"的重要思想是对马克思主义工运理论的丰富与发展

"三个代表"重要思想从工人阶级的先进性与党的先进性的相互关系出发,深刻揭示了中国工人阶级作为发展社会生产力、创造社会先进文化、实现全国人民根本利益等方面的实践主体,所具有的主力军作用,为全面认识工人阶级的先进性质及其历史地位和作用提供了重要的方法论原则.是对马克思主义工运理论的丰富和发展,为新世纪我国工运理论建设和工会工作发展指明了方向.     

印尼亚齐问题探讨

印尼亚齐问题是由于亚齐历史悠久的独立意识、印尼建国时的理念冲突以及现实的政治集权和经济利益的剥夺等深刻而复杂的社会历史背景下产生的。亚齐分离主义的主要代表是“自由亚齐运动”,该组织从成立之日起,就以资源分配不均和宗教文化差异为理由,同印尼中央政府进行对抗,要求在亚齐成立一个独立的伊斯兰国家。到目前为止,该组织共经历了苏哈托执政时期、瓦希德执政时期和梅加瓦蒂执政时期。亚齐分离运动是印尼政府的一块心病,也是东南亚地区安全与稳定的软肋,究其原因经济问题与地区经济发展的不平衡是导致印尼亚齐分离倾向的社会根源,而这又是印尼政府在处理中央与亚齐的政策上的失误引起的。     

One Namibia,one nation? The Caprivi as contested territory

The second of August 2009 marked the tenth anniversary of the failed secessionist attempt by the Caprivi Liberation Movement (CLM). It resulted in Namibia's sole state of emergency since independence. Ten years on, the high treason trial for what began as more than 130 accused drags on. Namibia thus has the longest serving political prisoners within the Southern African Development Community (SADC) without their having been convicted. This article draws attention to a widely neglected failure in Namibia's nation-building effort and thereby highlights a special challenge left by the colonial legacy to the independent government. It presents a summary of events leading to the secessionist attempt and a historical overview of issues around the so-called Caprivi Strip and explores the shortcomings in an unresolved relationship between the central state and the local perspectives and identities of people living at the margins. By doing so, it uses the case study of the Caprivi region as an example for the challenges of bringing about ‘One Namibia, One Nation’.     

Talcott Parsons on full citizenship for African Americans: retrospective interpretation and evaluation

In this essay in the Thinking Citizenship Series, Lidz evaluates the contributions of Talcott Parsons for thinking about citizenship and race relations in twentieth century America.     

国民政府对女性的塑造和训练——以抗战前新生活运动为中心的考察(1934-1937)

新生活运动中,南京国民政府制定了一系列针对女性的法令和措施,触及到女性的着装、婚姻家庭、职业、社交等基本生活层面,国民政府试图通过行政力量"塑造"和规范女性。另外,国民政府建立了一些妇女团体,组织动员更多的女性参与到新生活运动中。本文通过对新生活运动的探讨,发现国民政府对妇女的政策具有双重角色定位的特点:既维护女性的传统角色,注重女性的家庭责任,又鼓励妇女提高自身的智识,动员妇女参与社会事业,担当"国民"之责任。     

The revival and decline of rank and file movements in Britain during the 1930s

The economic and political crisis of 1931 provoked the reappearance of rank and file movements in Britain. This article examines the unofficial organisations that developed in building, engineering, passenger transport and the railways – as well as more ephemeral bodies. It critically synthesises the existing historiography and replenishes it with new material from the Russian archives. The progress of rank and filism to 1939 is surveyed and the largely forgotten project of a new Communist-led rank and file organisation, a Trade Union Militant League, which would supersede the National Minority Movement, is recuperated. The article stresses the role of Comintern policy in harnessing and moulding grass-roots rebellion. It validates that strand in the literature which argues that Moscow’s subsequent turn to the popular front and aspirations to alliances with labour movement leaders predominated over, and legitimated, indigenous influences, enhanced existing adaptation to trade unionism, and encouraged subordination of oppositional movements to activity in official structures. By 1939, the Communists had abandoned the idea of a national rank and file movement they had pursued since 1923. Little survived of the revolutionary enterprise launched in 1931. Rank and filism endured only as a handful of sectional, party-sponsored, trade union ginger groups.     

STATE-SOCIETY CONFLICT RADICALIZATION IN HONG KONG: THE RISE OF ‘ANTI-CHINA’ SENTIMENT AND RADICAL LOCALISM

Hong Kong has been facing an increasingly strong “anti-China” sentiment in recent years. More people are worried that existing Mainland-Hong Kong integration actually provides more opportunity for Beijing to exercise political control over Hong Kong, resulting in the loss of local identity. Political parties of the pan-democratic camp, which has been at the forefront of political activism since the 1980s, used to adopt a “milder” approach to oppose intervention from Beijing. However, with more Hong Kong people, especially localists, becoming sceptical towards this tactic, they have resorted to escalating things into “radical” protests or even bloody clashes with the authorities. During Chinese Lunar New Year 2016, a few hundred protesters joined the “Mong Kok Riot” and violently pelted police officers with bricks and glass, leading to more than 120 people being injured. The clashes may on the surface have been about hawker management issues, but, in fact, were fuelled by a growing discontent against the Chinese and Hong Kong Special Administrative Region governments. With more protesters prepared to take more radical actions against the authorities, state-society relations in Hong Kong are likely to enter an unprecedented period of tension.     

当代反战和平运动浅析

反战和平运动是一种以反对战争、实现和平作为其价值诉求的社会运动形态 ,其思想与历史源远流长。第二次世界大战以后反战和平运动进入了成熟期和高涨期 ,经历了三次高潮。冷战后的反战和平运动表现出高度的跨国性、对科学研究的劝说性权力的倚重进一步增强、各种新闻媒体的加入并扮演着一种无可替代的信息传播者和信息扩散者的角色等新特征 ,这使其行动能力和议题影响力大大增强。由于国际无政府状态的刚性特征以及民主政治过程的内生属性 ,其实际效用也不可避免地受到了极大的限制。这就决定了这场以反战和平运动为斗争主体的和平的革命仅仅是一场作用有限的革命 ,它难以将永久实现世界和平的终极目标推向深入     

青少年活动阵地建设发展战略研究

青少年活动阵地是青少年文化建设的重要载体,是开展青少年工作的重要依托,也是现代化进程中实现社区文化教育功能的重要手段.针对我国现阶段青少年活动阵地建设面临的突出问题,对青少年活动阵地建设进行宏观的战略构想,应当包括全新的理念,准确的职能定位,科学的管理机制,配套的扶持政策,专业化的工作队伍等方面.     

山东社会主义教育运动述评

20世纪60年代的山东社教运动是按照中央统一部署实施的,但也体现出山东的一些特点。以往的研究大多比较简略。本文主要借助于档案资料,力图对其作较为具体的评述,并将运动的过程分为四个阶段,即1963年3月前的组织发动阶段;1963年3月至1964年5月的点面展开、第一批试点和贯彻“双十条”阶段;1964年5月至1965年6月的第二批试点阶段;1965年7月至1966年9月的全面铺开阶段。