Political ideology and nuclear energy: Perception,proximity, and trust

Political ideology is an increasingly powerful force in support of public policy. Historically, nuclear energy has found more support among political conservatives. This study updates the literature on political ideology and support for nuclear energy by examining how political ideology is associated with perceptions of nuclear energy and trust of nuclear information sources. After excluding participants with incomplete data, and participants within 50 miles of a nuclear reactor, the analytical sample size for the analysis examining political ideology and perceptions of nuclear energy was 4153. The analytical sample includes a total of 1035 participants within a 50-mile radius of INL, 710 participants from within Idaho who lived further than 50 miles from INL, 1899 participants from other states (more than 50 miles from a nuclear reactor), and 509 Non-Idaho participants living within 50 miles of a nuclear reactor. Logistic regression was used to determine how political ideology was associated with perceptions of nuclear energy and trust in different sources regarding radioactive waste, after controlling for demographics and location. While liberal participants near INL were less favorable towards nuclear energy, and more trusting in impact scientists to tell the truth about radioactive waste than their conservative counterparts, this was not consistent across the US. Our findings reveal the complexity of political ideology and the perceptions of nuclear issues and how proximity influences perceptions. The perceptions of political moderates were particularly important in providing a more complex understanding of political ideology and nuclear energy issues.     

我国文化软实力建设需处理好五大关系

大力提升我国文化软实力建设以维护我国意识形态安全的国家发展战略,必须在坚守原则的基础上,处理好文化软实力建设的“一元主导”与“百花齐放”之间的关系、“事业性”与“产业性”之间的关系、“学习”与“创新”之间的关系、城乡关系以及文化软实力建设的“长远目标”与“短期目标”之间的关系。     

从《德意志意识形态》解读人的全面发展

马克思、恩格斯在《德意志意识形态》中运用历史唯物主义的观点和方法深入地探析了人的全面发展问题,其中对“现实的人”和人的全面发展理论的论述,成了马克思唯物史观的基础,在马克思主义的思想发展史上具有无可替代的重要意义。     

关于主流意识形态建设的几点思考

主流意识形态建设是一项系统而复杂的工程,无论从哲学层面还是从现实层面看,都有其必要性。当前,在我国主流意识形态建设中存在两方面的误区：一是过分强调西方和平演变政策对我国主流意识形态的影响;二是将主流意识形态建设中的“灌输”等同于强迫接受。做好主流意识形态建设工作,必须把提高群众的文化水平作为前提;把维护群众的合法权益作为关键;把提高群众的物质生活水平作为突破口。     

论行政违法行为的特征性要素——以新制度经济学为视角

行政处罚作为内生于政府规制的保障手段,在实现公共管理目标的过程中,其适用范围在理论上有限度但在实践中可能是模糊的。通过建立和推演行政处罚的博弈模型可以导出,行政违法行为应当具有不正当的可期待利益这一特征性要素。以此要素为标准,执法者可以明确法律规则的行为模式外延并就某一具体行为是否属于该外延作出判断,进而实现行政法律责任的依法追究。     

Having the cake and eating it too: efficient penalty clauses in Common and Civil contract law

In this paper we examine one of the areas where there is a marked difference between Civil and Common contract law, that of the enforcement of liquidated damages and more particularly of penalty clauses. Common law judges are quite reluctant to enforce liquidated damages, especially if they believe that they include penalty clauses which are not enforceable. On the contrary, in almost all European contract laws liquidated damages are readily enforced, as are penalty clauses when they are not manifestly excessive. Although most law and economics scholars have criticized Common law courts for the non-enforcement of penalty clauses, there is a sizable minority of scholars who have defended the Common law “non-enforcement” policy on the ground that penalty clauses are inefficient because they hinder efficient breach. However, and despite the merits of the arguments advanced by advocates of the non-enforcement of penalty clauses, we believe that Common law’s rejection of penalty clauses is inefficient. We further show that the Civil law solution to the problem is not only comparatively more efficient, but that it can also appease the worries of those scholars who are afraid that efficient breaches will be deterred. The solution that Civil law systems give to the problem manages to enforce the parties’ wishes and to avoid deterring efficient breaches. However, we point out that in order for the Civil law systems to take advantage of this superiority, the interpretation of their Civil Codes should be guided by economic analysis and the respect to the wishes of the contracting parties.     

法律诠释与意识形态

本文从法律诠释与权利分配之关系入手 ,论述了法律诠释与意识形态之间的必然关联。任何法律诠释总是和一定的利益要求及对该种利益要求的规范调整相关的 ,这是决定法律诠释与意识形态必然关联之内因。在此基础上 ,文章站在批判立场 ,逐层对法律诠释理论和实践做了反思 ,并提出通过对话与整合 ,以“超越”法律诠释之意识形态属性的可能思路。     

Marcuse's Criticism of Political Ideology and its Revelation

From the perspective of political philosophy, Marcuse's philosophy provides a new insight into the research of his theory. Marcuse's critical theory of his political ideology convincingly argues that the scientific technology, language, art and philosophy of the advanced industrial society has completely been alienated, which forms the society without negative dimension. This new perspective is a great inspiration to the construction of China's socialist culture and ethics and China's political philosophy.     

“德—道”与“自然—自由”:庄子心性秩序理论的形上建构

在天人之辨这一主题中,局限于对庄子哲学作客观自然义理解,遮蔽了其心性理论及其道德哲学主旨,即如何合乎人性化生存这一存在论与价值论问题。理解庄子的心性秩序建构需要把握其双重规定性,即德-道理型与自然-自由,前者构成心性秩序的本体性规定,后者则是庄子建构心性秩序的实践理性原则。在这样的理解中,自然与道德、个体性与普遍性、生命个体与伦理实体的关系及其内在张力获得伦理道德精神与心性秩序的精神还原。基于本体与现象的区分对自然与自由关系的探讨,庄子不仅深刻反思了人的道德存在本质从而呈现其存在论价值视阈,而且由对自然心性与现实人伦的深刻审察进一步敞开社会伦理向度这一重要的实践领域,探讨自然秩序与道德价值、自然心性与历史道义之间的关系,由此获得审视现代理性道德价值这一深刻的现代性论域。     

Preferences and agreement in legislative parties: testing the causal chain

This research note focuses on two specific dimensions of legislative cohesion: the homogeneity of preferences within a party and party agreement. Although these two dimensions have often been considered as synonyms, it is argued that these two concepts refer to different realities. The authors therefore develop distinct measurements for these two concepts. The authors then examine their statistical relationship, putting to the test the widespread assumption that heterogeneous preferences increase the probability of disagreement. The authors do so by testing the effect of different measures of a member of parliament’s ideological distance to her/his party on her/his self-reported frequency of disagreement with her/his party. It is demonstrated that the causal chain linking both concepts is only verified in the case of a conscious ideological distance. The results have crucial theoretical and methodological implications for future research on party cohesion and party unity.