公共政策与最高人民法院的角色——以关于汶川、玉树和舟曲的通知为分析对象

最高人民法院在一系列的司法文件中形成了关于社会环境因素、管理因素和价值因素的公共政策。最高人民法院回应公共政策有非常状态的应对、社会改革的诉求、政法传统的延续等现实和历史的原因。从公共政策视角来看,最高人民法院在与公共政策相互关系、价值追求、司法哲学等角色定位方面都呈现出一些新趋向。     

紧急状态应对机制中的民生至上理念——从日本“3·11”地震紧急状态说起

2011年3月11日本近海发生9.0级地震,海啸、核泄漏不期而至,引发日本国宣布进入紧急状态。其无序与法律救济上的无助,再次引发了人们对突发性危机或紧急状态下的民生保障问题的反思。本文以关乎人的最基本权利之民生保障为中心,论述在突发事件或紧急状态下国家法律对民生保护的应对之策。一个国家或民族或地区在面临突发的紧急的危险状态下,该怎样正当行使国家公权,有理有利有限地克减民生,遮蔽基本人权事项,这是很值得研究和必须回答的问题。当面临紧急状况时,作为执政者不应是一个简单的实用主义者,更不能开启行政乃至司法任意性和主观性的窗口。否则,是对现代民主国家法治与民生保障的二重嘲讽。     

‘Keeping the Ruins Private’: Anna Kavan and Heroin Addiction

Abstract

In 1964, the number of registered heroin addicts in Britain was 753. One of these was Anna Kavan, née Helen Woods. Beginning her writing career under the name Helen Ferguson, she wrote conventionally realist novels that enjoyed modest commercial success. In 1939–40, after a number of serious breakdowns and suicide attempts, and now calling herself Anna Kavan, Woods/Ferguson left a Swiss sanatorium addicted to heroin, which had almost certainly been therapeutically prescribed for sleeping disorders and severe depression. From then until her death in 1968, when she was found collapsed over a box of heroin, Kavan had an intermittent but intense relationship with the drug. This essay examines the ways in which Kavan has been constructed as an ‘addict writer’, both by her biographers and critics, and how this designation has influenced critical readings of her work.     

由王马玲案看被害人过错问题

曾在＂反暴力拆迁＂案中造成＂一死六伤＂的女主角王马玲,在二审判决中由一审＂故意杀人罪、有期徒刑8年＂改判为＂故意伤害罪、有期徒刑5年＂,改判的主要原因在于被害人存在过错。大量案例显示,在故意伤害案中,被害人过错是一个经常出现的情节,鉴于被害人过错与法益损害结果的产生具有刑法规范上的因果关系,而这种因果关系的存在事实上降低了刑法期待行为人实施合法行为的可能性,因而对其细致考量将对行为人公正的刑事责任非难具有重要价值。当前,被害人过错在司法实践中作为酌定量刑情节之定位影响了其效用发挥,因而对其法定化、标准化和规范化的适用是司法工作的当务之急。     

An evolutionary step in intellectual property rights – Artificial intelligence and intellectual property

This article addresses and analyses the issues concerning the ownership of computer generated works within patents and copyright, and concludes that the current regime is woefully inadequate to deal with the growing use of more and more intuitive artificial intelligence systems in the production of such works. It considers the respective claims of interested parties to such rights before moving on to a consideration of the creation of a new legal personality to which such rights could be granted to resolve the difficulties inherent in the current system.     

Political transformation in Japan as a source of insight

Abstract

This article is based on the assumption that the Japanese political system is fully comparable with the systems of other major systems, and that its analysis may afford useful insights for the understanding of political systems more generally. Its focus is upon five successive transformations of the system since the late nineteenth century that, in sequence and taken together, have created the present system. These are: (1) the revolutionary changes of the Meiji period (1868–1912), leading to modernisation, militarism, and ultimate defeat in war; (2) occupation, democracy, economic resurgence and single-party dominance (1945–1990); (3) low growth, electoral reform and neo-liberalism (1991–2006); (4) Liberal Democratic Party decline and the opposition in power (2006–2012); and (5) authoritarian leadership with weak opposition (2012 onwards). The article concludes with a discussion of three issues: (1) ambiguous aspects of strong leadership; (2) the chronic weakness of Japanese political opposition and its implications for democracy; and (3) the significance of radical transformations for the understanding of a political system.     

De-canting ‘Trafficking in Human Beings’, Re-centring the State

Contemporary liberal states are eager to combat ‘human trafficking’, which state actors describe as ‘the scourge of modern slavery’ and a violation of human rights. The same states are also depriving migrants of their freedom on an unprecedented scale through immigration detention, forcibly moving them across borders through deportation, and sustaining a flourishing industry in the prevention and control of human movement. This is not a paradox. The ambition to eradicate ‘slavery’, as much as the desire to severely restrict freedom of movement, reflects a concern to preserve and extend state powers, in particular its monopoly on violence and on the control of mobility.     

论民国时期（1924—1949）国民党三民主义意识形态的缺陷

民国时期国民党三民主义意识形态在建构上呈现保守性、垄断性和法西斯化趋向，在意识形态宣传运作上呈现弱势化和重军队政府轻视党务的特点，由此导致三民主义意识形态无能、无力渗透到基层，国民党的腐化劣化更使其意识形态宣传失去公信力。     

国强民富的目标与争取和维护国家利益的实践

争取和维护国家利益必须把国强民富的目标贯彻始终，因为只有这一目标实现了，国家利益才能够体现，而且也才能够得到有力的促进和保障；同样，只有在维护现有国家利益的基础上，并争取和谋求到更多的国家利益，国强民富的愿望才具有真正实现的可能与希望。     

发扬延安精神 建设廉洁政治

延安时期是中国共产党领导新民主主义革命由低谷走向高潮、走向全面胜利的最光辉的时代。在这一时期，中国共产党展现出纪律严明、倡言真话、以身作则、勤于学习等优良作风与高尚品质。正是这种迥异于腐败丛生的国统区的崭新的精神风貌，吸引了一批批有志之士投入革命阵营，培养了大量的革命人才参与对敌斗争。延安精神是中国民主主义革命胜利的宝贵财富，直到今天仍值得借鉴与发扬光大。