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481.
In this paper we study the law and economics of the EU data breach notification obligation (EU DBNO), which is part of the general data protection regulation. We start our discussion with the origins and aims of the EU DBNO. Following this, we study the social benefits of the DBNO and the conditions for these social benefits to emerge. Next, we analyse whether there would be spontaneous notification without the existence of a DBNO. We discuss how the national DPAs, that are responsible for the execution of the EU DBNO, can sufficiently induce data controllers to comply with the regulation. We also discuss the scope of the regulation from a social welfare perspective, in particular the conditions, which trigger a notification from data controllers.  相似文献   
482.
This study investigated differences in state and local law enforcement agencies participation in homeland security activities within the year after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and 13 years later. Further, this investigation assessed whether there were regional differences for these practices during these same time periods. Activities assessed were based on a homeland security initiatives index. Data suggest that, in the year after the attacks, agencies’ participation in all of Stewart and Morris’ homeland security activities was not high and statistically significant differences existed across several regions for some of these practices. However, since then, the number of agencies participating in all of Stewart and Morris’ homeland security activities increased and statistically significant differences between regions decreased. The increase in participation may be attributed to incentives provided by the federal government. Nevertheless, data suggest that support may be waning within law enforcement agencies to participate in homeland security activities.  相似文献   
483.
新中国成立七十年来,中国新型政党制度作为产生于中国土壤的一项基本政治制度,不断发展成熟。中国新型政党制度是极具中国特色的制度设计,也是国家治理体系的重要组成部分,其中国共产党领导下的"多党合作与政治协商"特征淡化了长久以来政党制度的"管理"倾向,凸显了"治理"特性。中国新型政党制度所具有的主体多元性、过程协商性和实践合作性等治理特征,使得多党合作的治理效能得以真正发挥,彰显了中国新型政党制度的优越性。  相似文献   
484.
党内法规与国家法律的关系问题是当下党内法规研究中的一个核心问题。党内法规是中国共产党维护全党团结统一实现奋斗目标,用以调整和规范党内各方面关系的制度体系。新中国的国家法律是党领导人民为维护国家统一实现人民幸福而制定的用以构建国家、社会、公民各方面利益及关系的制度体系,是实现依法治国基本方略的载体。党内法规与国家法律都是体现人民意志并围绕着中国社会的治理实践展开和发展的。我们需要认识这两大制度体系的区别,但尤其需要认识这两大制度体系的共存和统一。党的十八大以来,习近平关于党内法规与国家法律关系的一系列重要论述提示人们:鲜明的人民性,是构成党内法规与国家法律关系逻辑共存和实现统一的深厚基础。  相似文献   
485.
“Law schools should focus more on teaching writing – not some Procrustean monstrosity called ‘legal writing,’ but the ordinary techniques of constructing a sentence and telling a story” writes Roosevelt in his review of Divergent Paths: The Academy and the Judiciary by Posner. The Australian Threshold Learning Outcome expects law graduates to be effective, appropriate and persuasive as communicators when interacting with both legal and non-legal persons. We also know that embedding learning outcomes or graduate attributes throughout a programme encourages progressive learning. Furthermore, the whole of degree curriculum design undertaken from a shared perspective reflects industry and student requirements better than individual subjects can. In the absence of any whole of degree curriculum, the semester-long series of Writing Workshops for First Year Law (WWFYL) was created. Building on the success of past collaboration (Curró and Longo), WWFYL reflect a move away from a solitary, silent teaching culture to open sharing of practice. The widening participation and skills agendas remind us of the need to focus on the integration of academic literacies into law. If law is language, can applied linguistics make a contribution to the literacy needs of students from diverse linguistic backgrounds? As an applied linguist, my objective is to raise awareness of the elements and features of legal writing and demystify the specialised discourse and textual features. In this paper I present my theoretical framework borrowed from socio-constructivist theories, focusing on how students learn specific subject matter in particular contexts: “a teaching and learning process that makes transparent the practices and discourses of the subject area” (D. Warren, “Curriculum Design in a Context of Widening Participation in Higher Education” (2002) 1 Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 85, p. 88). Two snapshots of my classroom discourse demonstrating the practical application of my teaching are presented, as well as evaluation data supporting my approach.  相似文献   
486.
简论胡瑗的“大中之道”   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"中"是宋代理学家胡瑗理学思想的重要基础。纵观胡瑗的所有论述,无不显示其"中"的底蕴。他把"中"看着是"正"的前提,无论是谈自然,还是言人事,都离不开一个"中"字。胡瑗一方面继承了中庸之道,另一方面又发明创造,把中庸之道改造为他所说的具有辩证思想的"大中之道"。  相似文献   
487.
赵勇 《行政与法》2007,(7):9-12
本文在分析了加拿大行政改革的战略选择及其原因的基础上,从水平方向、垂直方向和电子化方向这三个方面介绍了加拿大行政改革的战略步骤,并总结了加拿大行政改革值得我们学习和借鉴之处。  相似文献   
488.
检察制度是实现中国宪政的重要形式   总被引:4,自引:1,他引:3  
宪政无定式但其有定法,不能充分了解宪政形式的多样性和内在规律的趋同性就会对检察制度理论进行随意的攀附、位移甚至替换。在比对各国的宪政体制及其检察制度后,可以看出,中国的检察制度是宪政理论在中国的具体应用。中国检察制度的设计是建立在立宪主义的高度审视我国权力的合理配置,代表了我国宪政体制完善的方向。  相似文献   
489.
何平 《思想战线》2004,30(5):68-71
"孔人"是泰语对古代孟高棉语民族的泛称,泰国的一些文献中提到,古代有一些叫做"孔人"的民族曾经从湄公河口向泰国北部地区迁徙并建立国家。一些学者据此认为,孟高棉语民族起源于中南半岛南部。事实上,从现有较为可靠的资料来看,孟高棉语民族的发祥地应该是在中国南方地区。泰族文献中提到"孔人"从湄公河口往北迁徙的史实,应当是公元以后的事,不能用来说明孟高棉语民族的起源。  相似文献   
490.
防范执政风险是执政党应该着重掌握的一项能力。当前我们党面临的执政风险主要有经济全球化风险、发展失衡风险、自然风险等。坚持以人为本,不断完善执政方略,就可以有效防范这些执政风险。  相似文献   
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