刑事责任能力规定辨析

我国刑法中关于绝对无刑事责任年龄的规定不宜降低;已满14周岁不满16周岁应负刑事责任的8种犯罪是指具体犯罪行为而不是具体罪名;间歇性精神病人的规定无存在必要;尚未完全丧失辨认或控制自己行为能力精神病人的刑事责任应坚持“必减”原则;醉酒人刑事责任的规定要具体化;聋哑人和盲人犯罪的规定应当删除。     

论无正本提单交付货物的若干法律问题

在国际海上货物运输中 ,由于航运技术的发展 ,船舶航速日益提高 ,相应地 ,因提单的延误而引发的承运人无正本提单交付货物的问题也日益突出和严重 ,甚至于对提单的功能产生了冲击。本文主要分析了承运人承担无正本提单交付货物法律责任的法理依据以及法律责任的有关问题。     

Contracts, Compacts and Control: New Labour and Personal Responsibility

The 2004 report Personal Responsibility and Changing Behaviour: The State of Knowledge and its Implications for Public Policy by the Prime Minister's Strategy Unit is an attempt to draw together social science literature that explains why it is difficult for governments to influence individual citizens. Underlying this is the idea that across diverse areas of policy, state provision of services often has much less impact on outcomes than does an individual's behaviour. Therefore to improve outcomes, government needs to be able to encourage 'personal responsibility'. The authors focus mainly on the role of contracts in changing behaviour in a whole range of different areas; from ASBOs and crime prevention, to home-school agreements and education policy. This report appears to underpin much of the thinking within New Labour as to future policy, and reveals how ideas of personal responsibility are likely to be key to New Labour's manifesto commitments prior to the 2005 general election.     

Is there a relationship between election outcomes and perceptions of personal economic well-being? A test using post-election economic expectations

Do individuals believe that an election victory by their favored candidate will improve their personal economic well-being? Previous work has either adopted an approach that is not well suited to determining this relationship, or ignored this question to focus on perceptions of macroeconomic conditions. In this paper we adopt a new approach that allows us to determine the relationship individuals perceive between elections and personal economic welfare, examining the relationship between vote choice, the election outcome, and post-election expectations for personal economic well-being. We find that economic individualism plays an important role in shaping the relationship individuals perceive between election outcomes and their personal economic well-being. Individuals who reject economic individualism do perceive a relationship, with those viewing an election outcome as favorable more optimistic in their expectations for personal economic well-being than those who view the election outcome as unfavorable. Conversely, election outcomes do not influence the expectations of economic individualists.     

劳动要素参与收益分配研究思路的探讨

社会主义在效率和公平的选择中,通过科学的社会分配制度使所有个人的劳动力变为发达的生产力,是劳动要素参与收益分配的前提,是实现劳动正义与财产权利统一的基础,社会主义初级阶段的分配原则,是国民收入的分配和再分配,是价值创造的分配和按劳动贡献的分配。     

试论夫妻财产责任制度

在我国婚姻法中,只注重对夫妻财产静态权属的确认和保护,忽视对夫妻财产动态处分的调整.在一方擅自处分夫妻共同财产、滥用日常家事代理权、浪费共同财产而侵犯配偶一方的财产权时,法律未赋予受损害方充分的救济权利,未课以侵权人财产责任,使侵权人有恃无恐,导致侵犯配偶一方财产权的行为时有发生.所以,建构我国夫妻财产责任制度非常必要.     

经济全球化与"体面劳动"

在经济全球化的背景下,世界各国劳资关系力量对比处于一种极端不平衡的状态之中.国际上关于"社会条款"和"体面劳动"的提议,或者是出于贸易保护的目的,或者是出于保障现实中被忽视和侵害的劳动者权益的目的,或者两者兼而有之.为适应加入WTO后的新形势,为尽早在中国实现"体面劳动",中国应该以国际劳工标准和"体面劳动"的内容要求为参照,完善劳动法律体系,建立起一套保障劳动者权益的法律机制.     

论农村社会保障法律制度构建中的政府责任——基于社会法视阈

农村社会保障法律关系错综复杂,政府、社会及农民在农村社会保障中既有相应的权力(利),也要履行一定的义务。行政法、经济法和社会法各自具有独特的法律价值和调整对象,本文分别基于这三个法域检视农村社会保障法律制度构建中的政府责任,考察农村社会保障法律制度构建中政府责任的越位和缺位,反思政府在构建农村社会保障法律制度中所发挥的主导和基础作用,提出在社会法视阈下政府应定位在承担法律制度构建、财政支撑和监督管理之责任。     

把宗族力量导向集体主义追求——以宁德市屏南县双溪镇为例

宗族是传统乡村的重要组织机构，虽然其在某些方面会对社会主义精神文明建设产生一些负面影响，但是其互助性、保障性、教育性、情感性对农民又会产生凝聚力，有利于激发集体情感。为了使宗族势力在农村集体主义实践中发挥积极作用，有必要对其进行正确引导。要提高民主意识，促进农民族人向现代政治人转变，增强农民的集体责任感；要依托宗族力量，促进集体利益与个人利益的统一，增强村庄的集体凝聚力；要引导宗族活动，延续村庄集体记忆，促进宗族归属感向村庄集体归属感转变。     

The classification of electoral systems: Bringing legislators back in

It is widely assumed that electoral institutions shape politicians' incentive for personal vote-seeking, with important behavioral and policy consequences. Yet, there is a surprising lack of consensus on how to compare real-world electoral institutions. Using new data this paper examines how legislators' own perception of their electoral incentives in fifteen democracies correspond to some of the most seminal classification schemes in political science. Our survey of 2326 legislators – the empirically broadest study of personal vote orientation so far conducted – demonstrates that legislators do not always understand electoral incentives in the same way scholarly rankings do, highlighting the need for scholars of political institutions to justify their choice of classification scheme. If not, an entire body of literature may be misguided.