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1.
Although physical punishment has been studied for decades, there are gaps in the literature regarding frequently used form, context, and cross cultural differences. A comparison was made using 227 college students in the United States and Japan, who were presented with four scenarios and surveyed regarding attitudes toward physical punishment, perceptions of appropriate discipline methods, and past experience with physical punishment. Japanese and U.S. respondents reported similar personal experience with physical punishment (Japanese 86%, U.S. 91%). However, U.S. respondents reported a higher likelihood of being hit with an object than did Japanese respondents. For U.S. respondents, the bottom and the hand were the top two sites on the body used for physical punishment, whereas the head and the face were the top two places for the Japanese sample. Unlike U.S. respondents, type of child misbehavior was found to have an impact on Japanese respondents’ views on the appropriate discipline method. 相似文献
2.
MARK COONEY 《犯罪学》2003,41(4):1377-1406
Norbert Elias's (1939) work on “the civilizing process” highlighted the long‐term decline in violence within Western societies. A substantial amount of more recent anthropological and historical evidence suggests that violence has evolved not just quantitatively but qualitatively as well. In particular, the social characteristics of the parties to violence have changed over time. Drawing on Donald Black's (1976, 1993a) theoretical ideas on conflict management, the present paper proposes that as intimate social ties weakened and the state strengthened, collective and nonintimate forms of (nonpolitical) violence declined significantly. Consequently, violence increasingly became less public, more private. Pockets of residual public violence can, however, still be found within modern state societies. Privatization varies, then, across time and social space. 相似文献
3.
Laura Tedesco 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2000,19(4):527-545
The article argues that the increase in crime and urban violence in Argentina, especially in Buenos Aires, can be explained as an outcome of the interaction of four factors: the new social relations established by neoliberalism; the incapacity of the state to resolve the social conflicts which have arisen from these new social relations; the failure to democratise the security forces; and the exclusion of a sector of society from the rights of effective democratic citizenship. The increase in crime and urban violence is, thus, analysed as a problem of governability. 相似文献
4.
刑事审判中,实物证据以其特有的客观性、稳定性和不可替代性特征而对于案件事实的认定发挥着令人更为信服的证实作用,从而显示出实物证据的证明优势。但实物证据在刑事诉讼证明中,也存在其一定的局限性。对于实物证据的审查,应主要从其客观真实性、证据来源、保管和鉴定过程、与案件事实的关联性、是否全面等方面进行。对于非法实物证据实行有别于言词证据的裁量排除原则,即只有在相关部门不能补正或者作出合理解释的情况下,才对其予以排除。 相似文献
5.
Bronwyn Anne Leebaw 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2019,22(5):523-541
ABSTRACTThis paper investigates Hannah Arendt’s writings on tragic unreconciliation and pariah humour as offering creative strategies for confronting the deadening of emotion that enables people to become reconciled to what they should refuse or resist. She offers a distinctive contribution to debates on reconciliation and justice, I suggest, by articulating a tragic approach to unreconciliation. Yet Arendt recognised that tragic accounts of violence can reinforce denial and resignation. In writings on the ‘hidden tradition’ of the ‘Jew as pariah,’ Arendt suggests that humour can be an important response to tragic accounts of political violence and a strategy for awakening an emotional response in those who cannot perceive tragedies to which they have become reconciled. As arts of refusal, tragic unreconciliation and pariah humour invoke and subvert the tragic imagination to reveal possibilities for solidarity, responsibility, and transformation that challenge problematic forms of reconciliation – reconciliation to one’s role as a participant in, or bystander to abuse, reconciliation as self-abnegating assimilation, and reconciliation as compromise, scapegoating, or denial. 相似文献
6.
7.
This study investigated the relationship between social information processing (SIP) and both relational and overt, physical
aggression in a longitudinally-followed sample of 228 adolescent girls (ages 11–18; 140 with ADHD and 88 comparison girls).
During childhood, girls participated in naturalistic summer camps where peer rejection, overt physical aggression, and relational
aggression were assessed via multiple informants and methods. Approximately 4.5 years later, these girls participated in follow-up
assessments during which they completed a commonly-used vignette procedure to assess SIP; overt and relational aggression
were again assessed through multiple informants. Correlations between (a) overt and relational aggression and (b) maladaptive
SIP were modest in this female adolescent sample. However, relationships between aggression and SIP were stronger for the
comparison girls than for the girls with ADHD. The relevance of SIP models for adolescent girls and clinical implications
of findings are discussed.
相似文献
Amori Yee MikamiEmail: |
8.
Rupa Reddy 《Feminist Legal Studies》2008,16(3):305-321
This article examines the debate on whether to analyse ‘honour crimes’ as gender-based violence, or as cultural tradition,
and the effects of either stance on protection from and prevention of these crimes. In particular, the article argues that
the categorisation of honour-related violence as primarily cultural ignores its position within the wider spectrum of gender
violence, and may result in a number of unfortunate side-effects, including lesser protection of the rights of women within
minority communities, and the stigmatisation of those communities. At the same time it is problematic to completely dismiss
any cultural aspects of violence against women, and a nuanced approach is required which carefully balances the benefits and
detriments of taking cultural factors into account. The article examines the issues within the context of the legal response
to cases involving honour-related violence, arguing that although the judiciary has in a number of cases inclined towards
viewing ‘honour’ as primarily cultural rather than patriarchal, in some cases they have begun to take a more gender-based
or ‘mature multiculturalism’ approach.
相似文献
Rupa ReddyEmail: |
9.
Parenting Coordination is a “hybrid legal‐mental health role that combines assessment, education, case management, conflict management, dispute resolution and, often times, decision‐making functions (AFCC, 2019, https://www.afccnet.org/Portals/0/PublicDocuments/Guidelines%20for%20PC%20with%20Appendex.pdf?ver=2020-01-30-190220-990 ). This article addresses issues that arise when the case has allegations or findings of intimate partner violence (IPV). Considerations of the type of IPV, the severity, timing, perpetrator and effects on coparenting are discussed in the context of the parenting coordinator's role. Through screening and assessment, we differentiate the kinds of cases with the presence of IPV where a PC may be effective as opposed to other IPV cases that may not predict success for retaining a PC. 相似文献
10.
Galina Belokurova 《Communist and Post》2018,51(1):1-17
In countries like Russia, where legal institutions providing political accountability and protection of property rights are weak, some elite actors accept the use of violence as a tool in political and economic competition. The intensity of this violent exposure may vary depending on the position the province had had in the Soviet administrative hierarchy. The higher the province's position before 1991, the greater the intensity of business violence one is likely to observe there in post-communist times, because the Soviet collapse left a more gaping power vacuum and lack of working informal rules in regions with limited presence of traditional criminal organizations. Post-Soviet entrepreneurs also often find it worthwhile to run for office or financially back certain candidates in order to secure a privileged status and the ability to interpret the law in their favor. Businessmen-candidates themselves and their financial backers behind the scenes may become exposed to competitive pressures resulting in violence during election years, because their competitors may find it hard to secure their position in power through the existing legal or informal non-violent means. To test whether Soviet legacies and Provincial elections indeed cause spikes in commerce-motivated violence, this project relies on an original dataset of more than 6000 attacks involving business interests in 74 regions of Russia, in 1991–2010. The results show that only legislative elections cause increases in violence while there is no firm evidence that executive polls have a similar effect. 相似文献