Contestation and Transformation. Final Thoughts on the Liberal International Order

Abstract

The liberal international order, the inseparable mix of US geopolitical power and ideational project of organising international relations along normative frameworks such as internationalism, institutionalism and democracy, is reeling under the pressure of profound systemic changes such as greater interconnectedness and multipolarity. Predictions abound that increasing great power competition, most visibly at play in geographical areas of contested orders, will eventually tear it down. However, even if major actors – the US included – display a selective, irregular and often instrumental commitment to the liberal order, they are still repositioning themselves in that order and not outside of it. In addition, conflict is not the default outcome of order contestation, as hybrid forms of governance are possible even in troubled regions. No doubt, the world of tomorrow will be less American-shaped and less liberal, but transformation is a more plausible future than collapse for the liberal order.     

ASEAN as the ‘regional conductor’: understanding ASEAN's role in Asia-Pacific order

This paper analyses ASEAN's prominence in regional order negotiation and management in Southeast Asia and the Asia-pacific through the lens of social role negotiation. It argues that ASEAN has negotiated legitimate social roles as the ‘primary manager’ in Southeast Asia and the ‘regional conductor’ of the Asia-Pacific order. It develops an English School-inspired role negotiation framework and applies it to three periods: 1954–1975 when ASEAN's ‘primary manager’ role emerged from negotiations with the USA; 1978–1991 when ASEAN's role was strengthened through negotiations with China during the Cambodian conflict; and 1991-present when ASEAN created and expanded the ‘regional conductor’ role. Negotiations during the Cold War established a division of labour where great powers provided security public goods but the great power function of diplomatic leadership was transferred to ASEAN. ASEAN's diplomatic leadership in Southeast Asia provided a foundation for creating its ‘regional conductor’ role after the Cold War. ASEAN's ability to sustain its roles depends on maintaining role bargains acceptable to the great powers, an increasingly difficult task due to great power rivalry in the South China Sea.     

New Changes in the International Situation and China's Strategic Choices

The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world.     

试论娱乐服务场所公安机关治安管理的机制建设——以沐浴行业治安管理为例

入世以后,我国娱乐服务场所在扩大就业、提高人们生活质量、方便群众需求等方面发挥了积极的作用。但由于法律法规不完善、场所自管意识不强、治安主体关系模糊等原因,导致场所管理秩序混乱,持续发展乏力。以沐浴行业为个案,分析沐浴行业公安机关治安机制中存在的问题,探讨构建符合时代要求的娱乐服务场所治安管理工作的新机制。     

美国强大的原因及发展趋势

美国强大的原因可以从势、道、制、术、器与士（即国际格局与国际力量对比、美国的意识形态与核心价值体系、政治经济与社会制度、科技与战略政策制定、经济与军事硬实力、人才培养与储备机制等方面）进行分析。由于新兴国家崛起,美国单极体系已经终结,美国霸权相对削弱,但是美国仍将在相当长的一段时间之内维持“一超”的地位。从劳动生产率、基础科研实力及研发投入、高等教育体系、外资投资环境、人口结构以及新兴产业等因素考察,美国经济长远来看仍具有较大的相对优势。未来美国霸权依然存在,美国二战后所确立的以“结构自由主义”为特征的国际秩序是美国霸权能够持久的最重要的基础,也是二战后西方国家之间的关系能够超越“零和”博弈格局的重要原因。美国对华战略并非遏制,而是“对冲/两面下注”。中美之间存在超越历史上传统大国“零和”博弈的可能,中国领导人提出建立中美新型大国关系的建议反映了这种战略远见。     

民事申请再审案件受理程序规范化改造

2007年民事诉讼法修订以来,关于再审程序划分的“三阶构说”日渐占据民事诉讼学界的主导地位.应从“三阶构说”的理论基础出发,结合现有法律规定,深入研究并完善民事申请再审案件受理程序具体内容,并针对其中若干疑难问题展开讨论,提出进一步完善申请再审案件受理程序的理论方向和具体构想,力求建立起更加完善、更具有操作性的民事申请再审案件受理程序.     

刑法谦抑性理念的本土化探究

刑法谦抑性理念内发于刑法法益保护和人权保护机能谐和,融括了限缩、补充、经济和轻刑的基本理念。着眼于此,以本土化的视角探究刑法谦抑性的理念的价值内涵、适用土壤以及建构路径,有助于推进我国刑事法治建设。     

Confused or competent? How voters use the STV ballot paper

STV is often extolled because it allows voters to express a nuanced choice, but is criticised for being too confusing. In practice the system is little used, but evidence from where it is indicates much depends on how voters choose to use it. STV was used for the first time in Scottish local elections in 2007, providing valuable new evidence on how voters respond to the system. We use survey data to examine the incidence of various indicators of apparent failure by Scottish voters to exploit STV, and compare both the levels and patterns of incidence with equivalent data for Ireland. We find little sign of confusion in either country, but significant evidence of ballot order effects in Scotland.     

干部学习系统理论视角

干部学习作为一个系统,它既可以是被组织系统,又可以是自组织系统。根据协同学理论,干部学习应该把教学过程的被组织与教学过程的自组织相结合,以教学过程的被组织为基础,以教学过程的自组织为升华。教师作为序参量,充分反映了干部学习过程的特征,真正从学习本质的角度对干部学习过程作出描述、解释和预测,提供了理论和方法上的指导,为干部学习理论的进一步研究提供新的视角。     

减少“三类犯罪案件” 稳定社会治安大局

命案、黑社会性质组织犯罪和流氓恶势力犯罪（简称“三类犯罪案件”），严重影响社会稳定和治安大局。减少“三类犯罪案件”在理论上具有必要性，在实践上具有可行性，主要措施是：把握三大要素，实现多层面预防；紧扣三个环节，实现全过程预防；强化三种职能，实现全方位预防。