哈耶克思想在台湾的传播

哈耶克思想在台湾的传播始于20世纪50年代初,一开始是作为一位“反极权”的冷战英雄被接受。随着对哈耶克理解的深入,台湾学术界针对哈耶克“自生自发秩序”的理解出现了明显的分歧。周德伟的解读代表了哈耶克思想保守主义的一面,而殷海光则试图将对哈耶克的解读导向一种“后五四精神”,林毓生在综合二者的基础上,提出中国文化的“创造性转化”的概念。     

治安调解存在的问题与制度完善

治安调解实践中存在缩小或扩大调解范围、违反自愿原则强行调解、程序缺失、效率低、方法简单等问题。其主要原因是:治安调解的范围模糊不清,缺乏可操作性;治安调解基本原则缺失,难以适应复杂多变的实际需求;治安调解没有或缺少相关程序规定;治安调解法律效力规定不明确,过于笼统;缺失调解无效和调解救济制度。应当从立法进行完善:确立治安调解的基本原则;科学合理确定治安调解的案件范围和标准;设定简捷、高效的正当调解程序;重新设定治安调解的效力;确立调解无效和调解救济制度。并应改革与完善治安调解执行制度:正确认识治安调解的价值,努力提升办案民警的基本素质;创新治安调解工作机制,有效化解社会矛盾,减少或避免上访及申诉现象;建立治安调解的奖惩与监督制度。     

试论公安机关窗口单位的治安防范

公安机关的窗口单位直接面向广大群众,是人民警察执法以及为民服务的前沿阵地,也是打击犯罪,掌握治安动态的直接途径。因此,在窗口单位中做好治安防范工作是十分必要的,并且对整个社会治安防范体系有重要的意义。治安防范要从日常的服务工作中做起,使之发展成为一个有效的治安防范体制。作为整个社会治安防范体系的重要部分发挥应有的作用。     

China's Belt and Road Initiative: at the crossroads of challenges and ambitions

Interpretations of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) mostly agree that it is a policy opening that offers some remedies for China's economic and security challenges, as well as reflects China's increasing regional and global ambitions. This paper argues that the multiple drivers characterizing the BRI result from the multiple identities of China as a developing country struggling with several sources of instability and macroeconomic problems and, simultaneously, a regional and an emerging power, and finally a major global power with significant economic capacity to shape the global economic order. The paper aims to substantiate the entanglement of the defensive and ambitious motivations behind the BRI by examining the background against which the Chinese Communist Party leadership has suggested it. In so doing, it draws on Chinese official policy documents and statistics, speeches from Chinese leaders and existing social–scientific research on the transformation of China's economic and political landscape in recent years.     

美国对国际核秩序的侵蚀与弱化

美国是国际核秩序的主要创建者、参与者和受益者,维持稳定的国际核秩序符合美国的安全利益。但是,出于战争制胜型核战略、意识形态、盟友关系、地缘政治等方面的战略考量,美国在维持、巩固国际核秩序的过程中,也对国际核秩序造成侵蚀与弱化。美国仍然把核武器置于其国家安全战略的重要位置,重视战术核武器的作用,研发低当量核武器和钻地核弹,模糊了核武器与常规武器的界限,降低了核武器的使用门槛,侵蚀了核价值观。美国追求绝对核优势,部署全球导弹防御系统,研发全球即时打击系统,违反国际核规范与印度进行核能合作,弱化核禁忌等做法,不利于大国之间的战略稳定性,破坏了核规范。在防扩散领域,美国一贯奉行双重标准,缺乏全局观念,对他国进行安全威胁,刺激了核扩散。为维护国际核秩序,美国应从维护全球和平与稳定的长远考虑出发,降低核武器在国家安全战略中的作用,减少缩小核武器的使用范围,停止部署全球范围内的导弹防御系统,放弃防扩散的双重标准,推动核价值观、核规范和核不扩散体制向着更加完善的方向演进,保证国际核秩序平稳、有效运行。     

论水权的优先权

水权优先权具有重要功能 ,是我国水权制度和水市场建立的重要一环。在水权取得方面主要有河岸权原则、先占用原则和所有权绝对原则 ,而在水权优先位序规则的确立上 ,各国因具体情况不同 ,采取的方案也不尽相同。我国在遵循水资源的可持续利用、兼顾公平与效率及遵从习惯、因地制宜三大原则的前提下 ,应确立先占用原则为主的水权取得优先权原则 ,同时承认习惯水权 ,进而构建符合我国实际情况的水权优先位序规则。     

和谐社会与法的价值追求

法律是防止无序的重要手段,所以秩序成为法的基本价值,但法的价值决不止于此。和谐社会视野下如何从简单的法律工具论的桎梏中摆脱出来,根本的途径就是提升对法的价值的理解,实现法的不同层次价值的互助统一关系。     

Identity and world order in India’s post-Cold War foreign policy discourse

This article examines the dominant conception of world order in India’s post-Cold War foreign policy discourse. Drawing on a poststructuralist, discourse-theoretical framework, I argue that the discourse uses foreign policy and world order as sites for the (re-)production of India’s identity by placing India into a system of differences that constitutes ‘what India is’. The article shows that India’s foreign policy discourse frames world order in accordance with India’s own national experiences and thus seeks to upheave India’s identity to a position from where it can represent the universal: a global political community. This notion of Indian Exceptionalism constitutes the affective dimension of the discourse that obscures the absence of an extra-discursive foundation on which national identities could be grounded by endowing the Self with an imaginary essence and seemingly unique qualities.     

Norm-making,norm-taking or norm-shifting? A case study of Sino–Japanese competition in the Jakarta–Bandung high-speed rail project

This paper’s main aim is to contribute to the debate on the impact of China’s rise on the established norms and practices in the field of international development. To do so, it zooms in on a single infrastructure project, the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed rail line, which involved intense competition between China and Japan. Specifically, it examines how competition between China, a non-Western emerging power, and Japan, an OECD member, led to a recalibration of both China and Japan’s approaches to infrastructure financing in the region. The findings suggest that rather than straight convergence or competition between diverging models, there is an ongoing process of two-way adjustment between China, and representatives of the dominant global norms and practices. We also argue that to understand the implications of China’s participation in the field of international development, and its impact on the ‘rules of the game’ of global governance, researchers should avoid positioning inquiries within the premises of China’s one-directional impact on the development assistance regime. Rather, it is necessary to take into account a complex set of relationships including China, host countries and other ‘socialised’ actors, and the process of negotiation between them.     

阶层认同意识与现代法律秩序生长

阶层认同意识的异化是人们不能客观确定自身所处阶层的特殊现象,对法律秩序具有积极和消极的双重效应。分层差距的合理性对阶层认同意识的影响,要求法律秩序避免阶层利益的严重失衡;分层差距的产生机制对阶层认同意识的影响,要求法律秩序强化多元分层理念;利益分配体制的选择对阶层认同意识的影响,要求法律秩序确立从身份到契约、从计划到市场的利益分配新格局。认同异化转变的关键在于建构阶层地位的文化认同:一是培育具有民主、法治和人权观念的法律理性主体,二是补救偏失的法律文化结构,包括健全法律制度文化和提升法律精神文化,其中最重要的是突破专属某一阶层文化密码的唯一解释,衍生共时态法律文化,实现不同阶层对自身地位的文化认同。