What tips the scales? Disentangling the mechanisms underlying post-electoral gains and losses in democratic support

Prior research has shown that winning or losing elections matters. To account for this pattern, it is argued that winners can expect their preferred policies to be implemented and experience the psychological gratification of winning, whereas losers have to accept disliked policies in addition to the psychological distress of losing. In an attempt to better understand the mechanisms underlying the dynamics of winners' and losers' democratic support after elections, this study aims to separate the influence of policy performance and psychological gratification. Using panel data from the 2017 German federal election, we show that policy congruence with the government increases voters' democratic support whether they voted for the government or not, suggesting that policy congruence is more important than winning the government in securing losers' democratic support. We find no independent effect of psychological gratification; however, the evidence suggests that winning the government affected voters’ democratic support independent of the two tested mechanisms.     

政务服务“好差评”制度：政策意蕴、理论阐释与路径建构

党的十八大以来,政务服务已成为建设服务型政府的新引擎。政务服务质量高不高、企业群众满意度如何衡量,长期以来缺乏制度化保障。公共管理学界已经认识到,构建科学合理的政务服务“好差评”制度已提上日程。基于政务服务助力推进政府治理现代化的宏大视角,本文探讨了现阶段我国政务服务“好差评”制度的政策意蕴,基于公共受托责任理论和新公共管理理论阐释了政务服务“好差评”与服务型政府的理念映射,并从价值取向、评价机制、评价内容、评价方法四个维度勾勒出了其建构路径。本文研究既丰富和发展了新公共管理运动的理论体系,亦有助于在实践中为加快我国服务型政府建设提供方法论借鉴。     

Revisiting Lasswell

This article continues the line of argument and historical interpretation we offered in “The Policy Scientist of Democracy: The Discipline of Harold D. Lasswell” by way of a response to Ronald Brunner’s “The Policy Scientist of Democracy Revisited.” Problems regarding Lasswell’s capacious vision of the policy scientist and vagaries surrounding “democracy,” do not diminish the importance of the questions Lasswell asked and left as his legacy to the discipline of political science. We here supply further evidence for our historical interpretation of Lasswell and sketch what sort of “policy scientist of democracy” fits our times and the current state of the discipline of political science.     

U.S. Tobacco Control: Public Health,Political Economy,or Morality Policy?

Tobacco control policy usually has been framed in terms of public health and political economy, but it also has been called a morality issue. Through a systematic historical analysis, this paper examines dimensions of morality policy and evaluates tobacco control in the United States for its fit with those characteristics. Moral concerns have been a part of tobacco control policy at certain times, first in the early twentieth century, and, more recently, since the mid‐1980s with the rise of “denormalization” of tobacco as a goal of some antitobacco organizations. Drawing from recent studies of other “morality” policy issues, it argues that tobacco control is a “blended” issue, one which can take on different dimensions depending on successful interest group framing. The adoption of Healthy Public Policy as a governmental goal has coincided with a movement toward a “secular morality” in the political culture, facilitating a broader appeal to the public.     

公共教育资源配置失衡及其政策补给——以湘南H区2005年的相关教育数据为分析样本

教育公平一直以来是中国公共管理领域重点讨论的话题。公共教育资源分配不均衡和教育服务的不充分与不对等是造成教育不公的主要原因。以2005年湘南H区义务教育状况为样本,运用实地调查和统计分析的研究方法,从教育财政资源、教师资源、学生资源三个方面分析了当前地方公共教育资源配置失衡的状况及其原因。由于长期实行城市偏向的教育政策和重点校制度,形成了农村教育和城市教育以及"重点学校"和"普通学校"的天壤之别,从而导致了公共教育资源配置失衡和公共教育的不平等。因此,要最终促进公共教育的均衡发展和公共教育服务的均等化供给,必须纠正原有的政策偏差,进一步统筹城乡发展,加大农村教育投入力度,确保农村教育投入的优先性;必须打破原有办学特权,实现办学点和生源的均衡配置;必须实施鼓励和优惠政策,避免城乡教育"马太效应"的持续恶化。     

日本能源政策动向及能源法研究

当前,我国由国家能源办、国家发改委、国务院法制办和中编办等15家中央单位组成起草小组,由能源、经济、法律、公共管理领域的16名专家组成的起草专家,已展开了对我国<能源法>的起草工作.我国能源立法应该采取何种立法体系,确立何种能源管理体制,应否确立能源市场自由化等问题,值得我们从理论上深入研究.本文系统梳理了日本能源政策动向,探讨了日本能源法律制度的特点及其对我国能源立法的启示,以期为我国能源立法尽绵薄之力.     

应急时期司法政策的现实运用及风险规控

在国家处于应急时期时,最高人民法院单独或联合出台司法政策已成为非常态社会治理的重要方式。应急时期的司法政策具有出台快速性、效力临时性、目的明确性、主体联动性和运行政治性特点,并通过"作为裁判依据"和"作为裁判背景"的方式化解社会矛盾、维护社会稳定。鉴于司法政策本身的定位不清,其对秩序的追求和紧急权行使与基本法治原则相抵牾,以及"成本—收益"理论阐释该时期政策与法律选择的非自主性,应急时期的司法政策在实现法治价值的同时也极易被不当运用,如直接将行政政策转化为司法政策,为达成维稳目标致使司法政策"运动式"运行,政策的"短期化"削弱司法公信力,以及笼统地将司法政策用作裁判依据等。针对可能风险,我们应基于法律与社会的"诉求—回应"关系,厘清特殊时期司法政策与公共政策的区别,结合教义学体系明确司法政策运用的具体要求,借助案例指引作用阐释司法政策蕴含的裁判规则,以及通过法律论证增强援引秩序价值说理的可接受性。     

缅甸外交政策的新调整:从对华友好到大国平衡外交

1988年政变上台的缅甸新军人政权,遭到西方国家的制裁,不得不努力发展与中国的关系,以稳定国内局势。在统治得到巩固后,缅甸新军人政权开始奉行大国平衡的外交政策,即在继续发展对华关系的同时,努力改善与东盟、印度和日本的关系。本文还分析了缅甸奉行大国平衡外交政策的原因:内因是缅甸国内的民族主义情绪不断上升,外因是区域内外各有关国家对中国在缅甸及周边地区影响不断扩大存在恐惧心理。     

Russia's perceptions and misperceptions of the EU Eastern Partnership

This article is devoted to the problem of the reaction to the Eastern Partnership by Russia's both the political establishment and the expert community. The question of reactions to the Eastern Partnership in the target countries has been extensively posed in academic literature. However, the question of Russia's reaction to the Eastern Partnership, one of the most important actors of the region, has been rarely raised by the academic community. A wide array of factors impacted Russian elites' perception of the Eastern Partnership – from problematic issues in the EU-Russia relations to the post-Soviet states' political and economic transformation. Studying the dynamics and peculiarities of Russia's perspective on the Eastern Partnership makes it possible to draw meaningful conclusions on the nature of Russia's phobias that fuel its domestic and foreign policy.     

论“台独”话语权对岛内政治生态的影响

“台独”分子炮制种种谬论而建构起了一套“台独”话语体系,通过不断推广和强化这套理念,掌握了岛内的意识形态领导权,并对岛内的政治生态产生了重大影响。民进党虽然始终不放弃“台独”主张,但随着“台独”话语权的强弱而不断调整两岸论述;国民党在“台独”话语权的压力下,也不得不进行“本土化”论述。“台独”话语权作为一种重要的权力形态,对公共权力的运行产生强力的制约作用,严重破坏了正常的民主秩序,成为两岸关系和平发展的巨大障碍。