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921.
Robert E. Kelly 《Development in Practice》2008,18(3):319-332
In the emerging ‘post-Washington Consensus’ era, neo-liberalism is searching for alternatives that once again emphasise the state. Yet neither Latin American dependencia nor East Asian developmentalism – two development models actually practised ‘on the ground’ – shares the basic assumptions of the liberal, rationalist state. First, there persists a significant ontological divide over the purpose of the state. Developmentalists and dependentists advocate deep, dynamic state agency rather than the hands-off, liberal, ‘night-watchman’ state. Second, development theory has unfolded within a modern liberal framework of science, democracy, the interests of US foreign policy, and increasingly a commitment to poverty alleviation. Dependency and developmentalism reject these neo-liberal benchmarks in the interests of state consolidation and autonomy. The persistence of dependentist and developmentalist understandings of the state precludes a uniform, post-neoliberal reversal in development theory back to the state. 相似文献
922.
王通 《山东行政学院学报》2009,(5):39-41
界定了“政策子系统不公”的概念,从国际范围和国家范围,分析了科技进步所带来的发达国家与发展中国家之间,国家内部相关群体之间在政策子系统内的不公问题,并从理论层面探讨了科技进步影响政策子系统不公的机制,试图找到解决这种不公的方法,还从科技角度对解决我国存在的政策子系统不公问题提出了对策。这一研究对缩小贫富差距,维护行政公平,促进社会和谐有一定的积极意义,特别是在我国目前空前重视科技创新的背景下,这一问题更加值得关注。 相似文献
923.
Robert Fishman 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(1):199-213
Abstract The American metropolis at century's end is vastly different than what many expected just 50 years ago. At mid‐century, seers envisioned a clean, rationally planned city of the future, free of long‐standing problems such as traffic and poverty. The reality is more complex. We built a new metropolis that addressed some major problems while simultaneously creating a host of new ones. The next 50 years will undoubtedly contain similar surprises. In conjunction with the 1999 Annual Housing Conference, which looked at the legacy of the 1949 Housing Act, the Fannie Mae Foundation commissioned a survey that asked urban scholars to rank the key influences shaping the past and future American metropolis. The “top 10” lists that resulted are the focus of this article. 相似文献
924.
卡扎菲时期的利比亚持有多重身份认同。其中,阿拉伯认同、伊斯兰认同以及非洲认同在不同时期对利比亚外交政策发挥着不同程度的影响。从认同视角看,卡扎菲时期利比亚对非洲外交政策大致可以分成两个阶段:在卡扎菲执政的前20多年时间里,利比亚对非政策主要受到阿拉伯和伊斯兰认同的影响;从20世纪80年代末开始到卡扎菲政权垮台,利比亚对非政策的重点转移到了撒哈拉以南非洲,主要受到非洲认同的影响。卡扎菲政权垮台的结局说明,对于非洲各国来讲,国家认同是首要的核心认同,而非洲认同是相对次要的认同。 相似文献
925.
The American West’s longest large mammal migration: clarifying and securing the common interest 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Over the last 10 years, conflict has grown over a 170-mile pronghorn antelope (Antilocapra americana) migration between Grand Teton National Park and the Upper Green River Basin in western Wyoming. Resolving conflict in the
common interest is proving difficult. This movement is the longest mammal migration in the lower 48 states, spanning the jurisdiction
of three federal agencies, three Wyoming counties, and over 40 private landowners. In addition, there are over ten non-governmental
conservation organizations, two major state agencies, Wyoming’s executive office, and many citizens involved in the issue.
There are three major problem definitions serving the beliefs of participants: the ecological-scientific (conservation biologists,
environmentalists), local rights (local control, property rights), and cultural value (historic, western heritage) definitions.
These definitions challenge the social and decision making processes of regional communities and government agencies. Underlying
the problem of securing the common interest is the highly fragmented patterns of authority and control, misorganized arena(s),
and parochial perspectives of many participants. Options promoted by participants can be loosely classified as top-down (government,
expert driven) versus bottom-up (local, practice-based) approaches and reflect preferences for the distribution and uses of
power and other values. Given the social and decision making context of this case, the bottom-up, practiced-based approach
would likely best secure a common interest outcome. 相似文献
926.
This special issue of Human Rights Review is devoted to an exploration of the current human rights research agendas within the political science discipline. Research
on human rights is truly an interdisciplinary quest in which various epistemologies can contribute to each other and form
a larger dialogue concerning rights and wrongs. This special issue is devoted to an expansive understanding of the state of
research on human rights in the political science discipline. One common theme throughout these contributions is the need
for a more nuanced conceptualization of human rights, tools to promote these rights and as social scientists, methodologies
employed to study these rights. A second theme is the policy relevance that can be derived from our empirical analysis. This
volume demonstrates that the integration of theoretically and normatively rich concepts, empirical social science, and policy
relevance do not have to be mutually exclusive when studying human rights. 相似文献
927.
Werner Schäfer 《Swiss Political Science Review》2009,15(4):683-713
This article analyses why Switzerland has so far remained outside the European Union's emissions trading system (EU ETS), the centerpiece of the EU's efforts to combat climate change. In doing so, it contributes three insights to the literature on the EU's external governance. First, it shows that interdependence is of limited explanatory power in predicting EU–Swiss interactions. Secondly, it identifies domestic interests in the non‐member state, Switzerland, as the key factor in explaining the EU's external governance structures concerning emissions trading. Thirdly, it highlights the EU's limited flexibility in dealing with third countries in areas where its internal governance mode is hierarchical. The article presents a hypothesis about the future development of emissions trading in Switzerland and discusses implications for both the external governance literature and the development of global carbon markets. 相似文献
928.
Giselle Bosse 《Contemporary Politics》2009,15(2):215-227
Whereas the European Union (EU) has had some effect on political and economic reforms in the Ukraine and Moldova, it almost completely failed to impress the regime and population of Belarus. Despite growing consensus at the EU level that the Union's policies for Eastern Europe cannot succeed without Belarus, few attempts have been made to account for the failure of EU governance in Belarus. Having recalled the current legal and institutional set-up of EU–Belarus relations, this article introduces the notion of the ‘values/security nexus’ to explain the limited impact of EU governance in Belarus. It argues that the highly contradictory normative objectives in the Union's current Neighbourhood Policy towards Belarus effectively undermine the EU's credibility in the country: idealist values of ‘winning the hearts and minds’ of the Belarusian population increasingly collide with traditional realist goals of protecting EU interests and the stability of the Belarusian state. By way of conclusion, the article highlights the challenges facing the EU's new Eastern Partnership, including Belarus. 相似文献
929.
东亚货币合作中的美元因素 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
国际美元本位制使美国获得了主导东亚地区货币政策的软权力,国际美元本位制的"特里芬困境"对于东亚共同货币的构建也存在着难以避免的外部效应.东亚美元化削减了东亚货币合作的所得收益,而强势美元政策使东亚国家面对美元霸权时陷入进退两难境地,从而在一定程度上影响了东亚货币合作最终目标的实现.在东亚货币合作的过程中,一种理想化的共同货币区模式仍然需要不断的发展和完善,如何利用和应对美元的影响则是东亚国家亟待解决的一大问题. 相似文献
930.