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101.
Franz Fallend 《Democratization》2016,23(2):324-344
The article represents the first systematic study of the reactions of political parties and the media as well as national and transnational civil society actors to the rise and inclusion in government in 2000 of the Austrian right-wing populist Freedom Party (FPÖ). Specifically, it investigates the effectiveness of strategies aimed at ostracizing populist actors versus “defanging” them through incorporation in public office. The article finds that turning the FPÖ into a pariah has not been effective in moderating the party or curbing its success. Incorporation in public office has been more effective, however, leading to the near collapse of the FPÖ and the split of the party. Yet, the cause for such an outcome may be found less in the strategy itself by imposing some intrinsic mechanism of moderation but rather in the incompetence and inexperience of populist party politicians unfamiliar with public office. Exclusionary strategies have also the undesirable effect of playing into the narrative of populist actors of being persecuted by the political establishment thereby offering them another means of mobilization. The article concludes that the revival of the FPÖ shows that no strategy can yield lasting success unless the demand-side causes underlying radical right-wing populism are addressed. 相似文献
102.
论人肉搜索的合法界限 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
狭义的人内搜索指通过网络上现有资料将人肉搜索对象的资料乃至个人和家人的隐私暴露出来.其结果可能附带引发对当事人的骚扰甚至侮辱和伤害,侵犯当事人的隐私权、名誉权甚至身体健康权.合法的人肉搜索要区分个人隐私权和公众知情权的界限、言论自由和公众评论正当性的界限.普通公民和公职人员的个人隐私与私人行为应该受到保护,网民对国家公职人员的违法、违纪现象进行披露则应属于公众行使知情权的行为.在人内搜索中,如果搜索者在主观臆断的基础上对被搜索对象的信息进行复制、改变和传播,可能会侵害当事人的隐私权、名誉权甚至健康权,不属于行使言论自由;如果因此造成当事人的损失,言论者和网站管理者都应承担相应的法律责任. 相似文献
103.
任梦华 《南京大学法律评论》2014,(2):81-90
美国《时代》周刊把中国工人列为2009年度人物亚军,展示了中国工人的力量.在一个不断物质化以及“弱势群体”边缘化的社会,“把工人阶级带回分析的中心”有其理论和方法论意义.梳理工人阶级的历史变迁脉络,廓清“新工人阶级”的法治生存境况,把握作为“阶级”抑或“阶层”的工人群体的主体性及其内涵,是我们辨析其法律身份认同和共同意识的前提和基础.而要使他们真正回归“劳动者”,必须发掘其内在的力量,在法治的轨道上实现其结社自由和罢工权利. 相似文献
104.
Linda K. Fuller 《政治交往》2013,30(2):79-91
Focusing on one medium's specific responses to a specific news crisis, print coverage by the Christian Science Publishing Company on the Tiananmen Square incident is compared to that of the Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times, New York Times (Springfield, MA), Sunday Republican, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post. The Christian Science Monitor, a newspaper internationally known for its objective, balanced reportage, is described and discussed, particularly regarding its pre‐ and post‐Tiananmen coverage. Its 185 articles beginning June 4, 1989, until a year later are delineated, along with the eight that appeared in the Christian Science Publishing Company's new monthly magazine, World Monitor. The argument is advanced that, despite major changes, the Monitor remains an invaluable media resource to both scholars and the lay public for unbiased reportage. 相似文献
105.
《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2013,4(1):e140-e141
Positive controls are necessary standards for inclusion in forensic tests. When working as expected they demonstrate that methods have been applied correctly, and therefore results can be interpreted with confidence. However, the requirement for positive controls can also introduce problems. For species identification in wildlife DNA forensic testing, it is possible that the DNA sequence of the case sample will be a 100% match to the positive control. Whilst clear results for negative controls will indicate that cross-contamination is unlikely, it would be preferable to have a positive control that will not appear in casework. In addition, for many endangered species, obtaining positive control DNA for species-specific testing can be problematic. Here we present a simple method to use artificially generated positive control DNA from the extinct Dodo, Raphus cucullatus, for four species-identification tests run routinely in UK wildlife forensic casework. 相似文献
106.
Salete Oro Boff Felipe da Veiga Dias 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(137):573-599
The study part of the proposed constitutional foundations laid in the model of the democratic rule of law, guided by convictions more human and sympathetic, in contrast to previous models carved under the aegis of dissociated financial aspirations of the relevance of a social growth. Among the arguments contained in the Constitution, it becomes two faces of freedom of expression —freedom of the press and the right to information— both in order to corroborate the importance of these values within a democratic society. Moreover, focusing on virtual relationships, we seek to understand what the decision-making positions in Brazil, in relation to press freedoms and the right to information. Finally, mention was made that there is the seat of the two main national courts (Supreme Court and Superior Court of Justice), negative bias over the Internet, going on, but the actual implementation of communicative freedoms, individual cases interpreting the light of constitutional prism and nuances that requires the digital environment, as a new reality in which human relationships are given. 相似文献
107.
108.
全球大型数字平台通过"复制、收购与扼杀"的策略扼杀并购了大量初创企业,引发了创新赛道垄断的顾虑。初创企业并购通常不会引起显著的市场结构变化,但随着时间推移,平台"切香肠式"的扼杀式并购,在扼杀潜在竞争对手、强化自身市场支配地位的同时,更会扭曲长期创新供给,致使未来市场可竞争性丧失。而并购效率改进收益的消亡、创业者奖励作用的证伪与动态竞争约束工具的全面失灵,进一步要求反垄断执法机构应摒弃目前普遍不作为的监管做法,及时识别与规制平台扼杀式并购。对此,有必要引入内部文档调查、并购价格组成分析等并购动机过滤机制,识别出那些出于消除未来竞争威胁或扼杀潜在迭代式创新目的的初创企业并购;同时,通过引入补充性的申报门槛、设定更具针对性的审查补救措施与授权必要的事后调查,将能有效地遏制平台资本的无序扩张,为初创企业创造一个不受主导平台扼杀式并购威胁的现代化营商环境。 相似文献
109.
赵娟 《江苏行政学院学报》2008,(3):99-104
言论自由作为基本权利或基本人权已为世界绝大多数国家的成文宪法以及相关的区域性与国际性公约所确认。作为基本人权的言论自由是人之为人所必须,是一个人生存所不可或缺的,体现了人权的基本性;言论自由意味着允许不同的观点和主张,是社会宽容的尺度和标志,体现了人权的宽容性;言论自由应当受到国家公权力的尊重,体现了人权的国家义务性;言论自由还应该扩充至经济领域,体现了言论自由的经济性。言论自由作为基本人权具有普适价值。 相似文献
110.
杨深 《江苏行政学院学报》2008,(5):17-24
萨特所谓介入文学的重要美学观点其实质可以概括为:介入就是揭露,揭露就是要改变.在萨特看来,写作就是要求自由,只要开始写作就已经介入了;阅读则是作者与读者之间的一项豪迈的协议,作家向读者的自由发出召唤以便使他的作品存在,读者的自由也反过来召唤作家的自由.萨特不仅将其狭义的介入文学的概念扩展为广义的介入艺术的概念,而且提出了实践文学和整体文学的概念,前者表现出萨特越来越强调实际行动的重要性,而后者则是指未来理想社会中将会产生的一种理想的文学.萨特整个美学观所依据的基础和高扬的主题只有一个,那就是人的最高本质或最高价值--自由. 相似文献